A SPEECH GIVEN IN
DUNDEE, SCOTLAND
ALEXANDER MACKENZIE
July 13, 1875
Mr. MACKENZIE, who was received with
loud and prolonged applause, said, - My Lord Provost, my Lords,
and gentlemen, I feel very proud of the kindness shown to me by
the events of the previous part of this day, and this entertainment,
and by the kind remarks that you and some other gentlemen have
made regarding my visit to this country. I not only feel grateful
at present, but it will be a green day in my memory to the last
day of my life. I only hope what some have been pleased to say
may be the case, that improved commercial intercourse between
Canada and this country may result, perhaps not from my visit,
but from information I may be able to get. There is much to be
said at a meeting of this kind, but I do not think it would be
proper to go into any general discussion about the situation of
Canada at the present moment. The gallant Colonel on my right
was pleased to refer to military matters in connection with this
country and in connection with Canada, and the relation that Canada
bears to the Empire. I need not say we consider ourselves in Canada
to be quite as much belonging to the Empire as any part of Great
Britain or Ireland. We have, in fact, in Canada ceased to speak
of the possibility of anything else ever taking place than a continuance
of the intimate political relationship which at present exists.
We believe it is quite consistent for England's greatness and
Canada's happiness that this relationship should continue.
We believe, as I stated in my remarks today in the other hall,
that there is room on the American Continent for two political
systems. We have long ago made up our minds to that, and this
relationship will continue, no doubt; and I am sure that the same
reciprocal feelings will not only be entertained but maintained
by every person on this side of the Atlantic. We have had our
little trials. The gallant Colonel, in speaking of the condition
of the volunteers in England, alluded to the necessity that existed
in Canada for something like an active force. We have a force
of about 45,000 men-a force which could be turned out in a short
time-and I shall only mention one fact-in connection with the
second Fenian raid in 1870, when the CommanderinChief
of our Militia, Colonel RossRobertson, was able to turn
out nearly 20,000 men in 24 hours upon the frontier, and not merely
20,000 men, but 20,000 fairly drilled, equipped and clothed, of
all arms of the service-cavalry, infantry, artillery and rifles.
(Applause). To that efficient organization of our militia system
we undoubtedly owed the salvation of the country at the time.
After that one night's business-for I may say that I was out with
the rest of my colleagues we were secured from further
molestation on the part of the Fenian bands in the United States,
and we also destroyed all hope on the part of United States politicians
that anything like a separation of the country could be attained
by any means whatever in the power of man, unless it should be
a desire on the part of England to separate from us. (Applause.)
We believe in that country we have the means of building up a
great and powerful nationality; and although all new countries
are perhaps a little inclined to boast and somewhat inclined to
feel a little too proud of their position, we believe we have
a territory to occupy which will justify some brilliant hopes.
We have a will to occupy it in all its parts; and although it
is somewhat difficult for a handful of people such as we are compared
to you-for we are not quite one-eighth part of your population-to
occupy a territory so vast as ours, still we feel that
by the natural increase of the population, and by the efforts
of our emigration agents in Europe, we will be able in the course
of a few years to throw a vast population into the country so
sparsely inhabited at present. (Applause.) I may mention, as an
example of the difficulties which we have to encounter in maintaining
law and order in so vast a territory, that we have between the
Rocky Mountains and Lake of the Woods 1,000 miles of territory
from east to west, by 500 miles from south to north, fit for settlement,
almost wholly unoccupied, excepting some; 20,000 or 30,000 people
in the Province of Manitoba. There are some 50,000 Indians. This
country was infested for years by traders from the United States
selling intoxicating liquor to the .Indians, and causing much
disturbance in our relations with them by keeping up a constant
irritation on the frontier, and debauchery and war amongst the
Indian tribes. The Government determined to send a force of Mounted
Police, armed as cavalry, to establish law and order. This force
was organized and sent, and you may imagine what sort of country
it is when I tell you that it took six weeks marching from one
end to the other along the frontier to reach the base of the Rocky
Mountains. It accomplished its mission, however; order was completely
established; and I was informed by a resident at Fort Benton,
in the upper part of the Missouri country (in the United States),
that they never knew on the frontier what it was to have order
established till the Canadian troops did so. (Applause.) We hope
inthe course of a comparatively short time to be able to
enter that great territory by means of a railroad now under construction.
It was one of the last things I did before leaving home, as Minister
of Public Works, to let out by contract two or three hundred
miles of the road for construction, and thousands of men
are now engaged upon it in the wilderness north and west of Lake
Superior, tracking out a way in which thousands will follow them-some
to settle, some to work upon the railway, but all to extend the
dominion of Canada and the dominion of Great Britain in those
remote countries described by Butler as " The Great Lone
Land." We hope that the efforts made by the Canadian Government
will result in obtaining for the country such a population as
may be amply sufficient in the course of a short time to develop
some of its principal resources. (Applause.) We believe these
resources to be great and that if we are favoured at all by fortune,
we will have a most flourishing and industrious population in
these new territories, occupying them to the common advantage
of Canada and of Great Britain. You were pleased to refer to my
political opinions upon one subject; and while I quite concur
with you that in such a meeting it is perhaps improper to speak
of local politics, still I think in the higher branches of political
life we may refer to political principles. I take the true meaning
of the term free trade to be the complete removal of all restrictions
upon trade so far as that can possibly be done. I believe myself
that the principles of Richard Gobden, and the principles of free
trade over the world, are the real principles of civilization;
and I believe that wherever these principles are interfered with
by restrictions on trade by artificial means, to that extent there
is retrogression from the higher principles of civilization. (Applause.)
That, I think, is the view generally taken by the people of Canada.
We have amongst us, no doubt, as you have amongst you, people
who have the idea that the true trade principle is to build up
a high stone and lime wall to prevent people coming in or going
out ; who say;-"Let us keep the trade to ourselves,
and keep the money in our own country." But we cannot do
that-we can only make money by trading with other nations and
individuals, and I quite appreciate your suggestion, my Lord Provost,
that the people of Dundee and Canada should endeavour to trade
a little more in the future then they have done in the past. (Applause.)
I assure you that nothing will be wanting to that end on the part
of the Canadian Government so long as I have the honour of being
one of its members; and I believe no Canadian Government, whatever
the political party, will attempt to hinder the extension of the
true principle of free trade all over the world. We believe we
will be in a position in the course of a few years to do a great
deal of your business. We believe we shall be able, by way of
the Pacific Ocean, to carry your tea across our railway, and to
transport your goods to China by a much shorter route than at
present. If we do that, you will obtain some advantages in return
for wherever a large amount of business is transacted there must
be a large amount of profit to somebody. (Laughter and applause.)
A parliamentary friend of mine was privately discussing this subject
with me. He said,-"The country is going to ruin; the balance
of trade is against us. How can we continue to go on in this way
many more years ? Our exports last year were so many millions,
and our imports so many millions more, and we are poorer by the
difference between the imports and exports." I said,-"
We cannot be poorer, because the difference between the exports
and imports represents the profits we have made. You send a cargo
of ten thousand barrels of flour to Spain, which would cost fifty
thousand dollars, and you sell it for ninety thousand; with this
ninety thousand you buy other products and bring them back to
Canada. The balance of trade would be against you in this case
to the extent of forty thousand dollars, which would also be the
exact amount of profit on the transaction. In this way you account
for the difference of import and export. But do youmean
to say you are poorer?" (Applause.) This is the way advocates
of restriction argue. We say the more trade there is, and
the more the balance of trade seems against us, the more likely
are we to obtain large profits, and the profits again are invested
in loans to other countries, and in forwarding enterprises for
the general benefit of the country. Everybody now admires the
genius of Richard Cobden and his associates; everyone-Conservative
or Liberal-understands that it would never do to go back to the
old days of trading, when vessels were charged with tonnage dues,
and when it was necessary to construct them in a most unshapely
fashion for exemption purposes, so that one of these oldtime
protectionist ships could only be moved in a harbour by having
a tug on both sides to keep her upright. Now every one builds
after his own fashion, and the rapidity in ocean transport which
now prevails would never have taken place had this restriction
remained. I am sure that in Canada the people appreciate this
principle, and the general intelligence which prevails over that
country is such that I am sure there is no danger of a reactionary
policy ever finding a response in the hearts of any considerable
number of our people. (Applause ) I feel obliged to you and the
other gentlemen of Dundee for their kindness in welcoming me,
as they have done, back to my native country. (Applause.) It is
quite true that I am a native of Perthshire, and pretty far north,
and it is equally true that I shall always feel a sincere affection
for Scotland, and Perthshire in particular; but I am quite sure
of this, that in our great colonies, and I trust also in England,
there is every opportunity for those who desire to rise in political
and social life, and who trust to their own unaided exertions.
There is no royal road in Canada or in any other colony to any
position of eminence, either in University, political, or commercial
success. Everything must be got by hard labour, and I would be
sorry to make an impression upon any one here or elsewhere that
we have not as many difficulties to contend with there as you
have to contend with here; but it is satisfactory to know that
in the colonies, And I hope in England as well, there is a fair
field and no favour, and every manly and independent mind will
rejoice that there is, that fair field and will ask nothing more.
The days of monopolies are ended; the days of class legislation,
when one class was set over another, are ended; and I am glad
to see that exemplified here tonight in the presence of two members
of the most aristocratic and most powerful House of Parliament
that has ever existed anywhere-the House of Peers of England.
(Loud applause.) I apprehend your member will agree with me
when I say that while the House of Commons does represent, in
consequence of its electoral character, the power and influence
of the kingdom in a sense somewhat different from the House of
Lords, that yet the House of Lords has maintained its character
for ability and power and eloquence in dealing with all public
questions. Whatever may be said of some of the people of Canada
and the other colonies as being more democratic than it is possible
for this country to be, yet we are not so democratic as to refuse
to listen to the voice of reason. We are not so democratic as
to ignore the best means of govering a country, both as British
subjects interested in the welfare of her people and as colonists
specially interested in the government of our own country. I believe
that the colonies are essential to British supremacy in the world.
I don't say so because we are desirous of the slightest favour
financially from Great Britain. We are able and willing, God knows,
to bear our full share of all Imperial responsibility whenever
required for the common interest. And we are doing so at the present
moment. I believe that the power of ancient Rome departed when
they began to desert the extremities and when the blood receded
to the centre and produced a gorging that ended in paralysis.
And if Great Britain cuts off her extremities, treats her colonies
with contumely, or treats them in such a way that they don't care
to remain, then I believe that a great portion of Great Britain's
glory will have departed. (Applause.) I am as anxious as it is
possible for any British subject to be that that glory
should be unsullied, that that power should never be abridged,
and that English supremacy shall last till the end of time, because
it means universal freedom, universal liberty, emancipation from
everything degrading. If that power is broken, and other Powers
come in and take a share of the historical supremacy which peculiarly
belongs to us, then I believe it will be worse for the world,
and I am sure worse for England. If there is one thing I would
desire to press more than another upon a British audience, it
is that we are extremely anxious upon this point, and that we
are extremely willing to do our full share in everything that
may be necessary to maintain the status quo. (Applause.)
I have little more to say, but I thank our, sir, most sincerely,
and the other gentlemen present, for the kind words they have
spoken. I receive them not so much for myself as for my friends
in the Government in Canada and for my countrymen in Canada, and
I can assure you that the kind words you have spoken will leave
a lasting impression upon my mind. (Loud and prolonged applause.)
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