It is a great pleasure to be invited
to speak to the economic club of New York.
I am honoured by your invitation.
I would like to stress at the outset
that as prime minister of Canada, I place the highest priority
on retaining good relations between Canada and the United States.
President Kennedy once described
the relationship between our two countries in this way: "Geography
made us neighbors, history made us friends, economics has made
us partners, and necessity has made us allies."
My government has just embarked on
a new direction, one which i believe will instil in Canadians
a new sense of national purpose; a direction which will restore
Canada as a more dynamic force in the international community;
a direction which will put our economy firmly on the road to economic
renewal.
Tonight I want to talk to you about
that new direction, and share with you the goals and hopes that
we in Canada have set for ourselves.
It is my fundamental belief that
the challenge to our two countries is to improve and strengthen
the mutual benefits from our roles as friends and partners.
To this end we must minimize friction,
remove needless irritants, and maintain a healthy and vigorous
relationship based on mutual understanding, constant and open
communications, and a respect for our individual needs and interests.
In 1983 these was a national convention
of my party, at which I sought and won the party leadership.
During the campaign that preceded
the convention, and in my speech to the convention, I pledged
to re-establish that special relationship of trust with the U.S.
and with all our allies.
Three months ago, there was a general
election, in which I repeatedly stated my intention as head of
a new Government to restore harmony and co-operation with the
U.S.
Last month, when parliament reconvened,
the speech from the throne underlined not only the importance
of this relationship to Canada's security and prosperity; it pointed
out that the source of our relationship lies in shared values
and wellsprings of trust between two peoples.
In the minds of some Canadians, such
statements are tantamount to servility.
Simple acts of friendship are ridiculed
because they are instantly equated with a loss of sovereignty
By and large, Canadians are unimpressed
and unmoved by these reactions.
The statements that the new government
have made were overwhelmingly endorsed by the people of Canada
who, with maturity and strength, have made it known they wish
the Canadian-U.S. relationship to be a privileged one, as befits
true friends and trusted allies.
Our purpose is noble, our course
is clear: two sovereign democracies, sharing the same continent,
have much that will benefit each other and even more that will
enhance the cause of a durable peace in the world.
Because of your enormous size and
influence, the government of Canada must always be vigilant to
ensure the protection of our integrity and interests.
This government shall enhance Canada's
sovereignty and independence at all times and in all circumstances.
We shall do so with strength and
resolve -- in a manner free from malice -- in the certain knowledge
that a stronger Canada can contribute to a more equitable world.
I have had two excellent meetings
with president Reagan, who has shown a great warmth for Canada
and a deep understanding of our problems.
He has quite properly pointed out
the enormous benefits that accrue to both sides from a sound association
and has committed his administration to resolving many of those
matters that trouble us both.
Many U.S. citizens are aware of the
similarities between our two countries: a common heritage of individual
liberty, shared democratic values of freedom and justice, vast
commercial links, an immense geography spanning a continent with
an open and undefended border.
Today the most noteworthy measure
of our relationship is in our economic ties - in investment, in
trade, in technology flows
After all, almost one fifth of your
exports go to Canada.
Canada is the largest trading partner
of the United States.
The united states is the largest
market for Canadian goods, services, and investment.
In 1983 total trade between Canada
and the U.S. exceeded $ 90 billion U.S. dollars.
That amount exceeds more than $27
billion U.S. trade with Japan.
In 1984, Canada-U.S. trade is likely
to exceed $110 billion U.S. dollars.
In fact, your trade with Canada exceeds
total American trade with-Germany, France, and Great Britain by
almost U.S. $34 billion in 1983.
To put the matter in a different
context, Canada is the leading trading partner of the U.S., And
your second largest trading partner is not Germany or Japan but
Ontario, a province of Canada.
The restoration of good and sound
relationships between our two countries is clearly a top priority.
This relationship, spanning 170 years
of uninterrupted peace, billions in two way trade and investment,
and reciprocal agreements covering a multitude of subjects, is
incontrovertible evidence to the world of a vibrant and mutually
productive relationship.
To all who seek a definition of peaceful
association between nations -- I say look no further -- it is
unlikely you shall find a better illustration than the simple
story of friendship and prosperity that has marked the volution
of our two countries over the years
So how do we manage our bilateral
affairs?
I have suggested several initiatives,
both to president Reagan and to his cabinet colleagues.
The most important of these is the
yearly meetings with the president of the United States and the
prime minister of Canada -- a process already begun. For my part,
I visited president Reagan in Washington very shortly after my
election as prime minister. I am pleased to announce tonight that
president Reagan has accepted my invitation to make a working
visit to Canada in march 1985.
Second, regular meetings of senior
ministers to be held alternately in the U.S. and Canada.
Third, we favour an accelerated rhythm
of bilateral parliamentary and congressional meetings in order
to cover a wider range of topics ofinterest to our two countries,
from steel imports to acid rain.
Fourth, our provincial governments
can and should meet more frequently with their geographical counterparts
in the state governments.
In addition there have been various
proposals for new and improved institutional mechanisms for investigation,
analysis and resolution of bilateral disputes, possibly modeled
on the international joint commission.
These are worthy of study.
This does not suggest an exclusive
or narrow focus in our involvement in world affairs.
Indeed, in trade liberalization as
in defense, disarmament and international development, we attach
great importance to our role in sound multilateral institutions.
We believe these institutions offer
us the best opportunity to exert a constructive Canadian influence
on the international scene.
There have been changes in Canada
over the last decade.
Canadians have come through a difficult
period in their history.
Canadians in the mid-1980's have
a renewed sense of confidence in themselves as a nation.
People across the country are persuaded
that the future lies in working together.
They used the power of the vote to
express a strong desire for an end to confrontational politics
in our dealings with each other in Canada.
They voted for a start on a new era
of conciliation and co-operation.
Canadians wanted the offshore impasse
in Newfoundland regarding oil and gas resolved. It is being resolved
now.
Canadians wanted the west to have
a full voice in confederation. They now have it.
Last Thursday, I had a significant
meeting with premier Levesque in Quebec city. The people of Quebec
overwhelmingly supported our program of national reconciliation
and economic renewal in last September's election. Let me tell
you there is a new mood there. The people of Quebec are seeking
to ensure that they now assume a full and unequivocal role in
the affairs of Canada.
I want to tell you something about
the financial state of Canada as we found it following our election
on September 4th.
We found that the projected federal
deficit for the current fiscal year was $34.5 billion.
And we found that, even assuming
reasonable growth projections, the yearly deficit would remain
between $34 billion and $38 billion between now and the end of
the decade, adding to an already staggering national debt load.
Let me put this in other terms.
In 1967, when our country celebrated
its one hundredth birthday, our national debt represented $4,000
for every Canadian family.
Seventeen years later, the national
debt represents $24.000 per family.
And by 1990 -- only five years hence
-- if we do not take action now, the national debt will be the
equivalent of every Canadian family owing $54,000.
And we inherited also an economy
that had relegated to the unemployment rolls close to a million
and a half Canadians
There is no human tragedy more debilitating
than that of a person unable to find gainful employment.
My government considers the creation
of jobs as its top priority. It is for us a moral imperative.
I need not dwell at length on the
policies that created this situation in Canada.
Simply put, at a time when the world
economy was becoming more interdependent and open, Canada turned
inward and interventionist.
In 1974 we started down this costly
path with the foreign investment review agency, and in 1981, we
continued this approach with the national energy program.
Such a direction ignored the basic
lesson of our history, namely that free and unfettered access
to world markets has been a boon to strong and dynamic economic
growth in our country
It was indicative of the misguided
belief that regulation by politicians and bureaucrats was superior
to the decisions of individuals and firms competing in the global
marketplace.
At the same time that Canada was
turning inward economically, we were also giving other signals
that led our friends and allies to question our commitment to
the international agenda.
Our support for the NATO alliance
dropped to an embarrassingly low level, to the point that only
tiny Luxembourg was contributing less on a per capita basis than
Canada.
We wound up with more cooks than
gunners in the Canadian armed forces.
So these are the main reasons that my new government is so committed to rebuilding Canada's image in the world:
- As a free, tolerant and independent nation;
- As a reliable trading partner;
- As a good place to invest and do business;
- As a people committed to the entrepreneurial spirit;
- And as a nation that honours its
commitments to its allies.
Our new government has embarked on
a fundamental change in our economic direction.
Our strategy consists of four challenges
for this government, and for the Canadian people.
Our first and most immediate challenge
is to restore fiscal responsibility in the federal government.
Rising deficits have been recorded
in each of the last ten years, and the legacy of these deficits
is that our national debt is rising much faster than the economy
is growing.
Growth itself will not solve the
structural imbalance between government revenues and expenditures.
Restoring fiscal flexibility will
require difficult decision.
And we have begun that process.
After only two months in office we
were able to announce expenditure savings and revenue enhancement
measures of over $4 billion on an annual $100 billion budget.
This is a beginning.
The second part of our strategy for
economic renewal is that we intend to redefine the role of government
itself.
Traditionally, government has had
a much more activist role in Canada than in the United States.
From railway building to television
broadcasting to hydro development, government involvement has
been a historical necessity in Canada, and it has been on the
whole a positive factor in our national life.
Today's reality, however, is that
government in Canada has become much too big.
It intrudes too much in the marketplace.
It inhibits and distorts entrepreneurial
activity.
Some industries are over-regulated,
others are over-protected.
In the past, government has built
up an intricate web of regulations, subsidies and other forms
of intervention, which have become a major obstacle to adjustment
and growth in the private sector.
Getting the economy back on course
means that we must adopt an approach that rewards entrepreneurship
and risk-taking, and facilitates adjustment to the changing realities
of new market and technologies.
The third part of our strategy is
that we must adopt policies that foster higher investment, greater
innovation and increased international competitiveness.
Investment contributes directly to
the growth of output and employment, and is central to ensuring
that Canadian business responds rapidly to new technology and
new market opportunities.
Greater innovation, enhanced productivity
and increased competitiveness are essential if Canada is to compete
effectively in the world marketplace.
Finally, the changes we are proposing
are fundamental to the economic, social and political structures
of our society.
National consensus is essential to
economic renewal.
Our new national government can and
will achieve that consensus with the provinces, labour, the private
sector and others whose efforts energize our society.
Let me touch now on three areas in
our strategy for economic renewal which impact directly on our
relations with the U.S. - trade, foreign investment and energy.
Trade is Canada's life blood. Our
objective is to strengthen Canada's stature as a first class world
trader.
We intend to take a careful look
at all federal government programs and policies to determine how
industry can gain and secure access to markets.
Protectionism is our mutual adversary.
The longer-term upshot of protectionist
tendencies in the United States, Canada and elsewhere would be
to move against the trend to liberalization of access to national
markets.
In the short-term, restrictions on
trade reduce real growth prospects in both the industrialized
and developing countries.
The implications for the latter are
even more profound, and could have serious ramifications for international
financial markets.
I know that the president is committed
to keeping trade channels open.
I share that commitment.
Central to Canada's trade policy
is a commitment to an open multilateral trade regime.
We will continue to support a multilateral
system and trade liberalization.
We will work through multilateral
organizations to keep the world trading system open.
Protectionism poses a serious threat
to world recovery and to international stability.
It must be opposed, in your congress
and in our parliament.
The government has given notice of
its intention to address these issues, and their implications
for Canada, in documents to be made public over the coming months.
Canadians have some important, even
historic, policy choices to make in the near future, and these
choices will be the subject matter of public discussion led by
the government
The maturity and self confidence
of our country make it possible for us now to confront issues
in a realistic manner, and to examine options that a few years
ago produced emotional reflexes that made rational discussion
difficult.
Nowhere is this more true than on
the subject of our bilateral relations with the United States.
The U.S. has been and will be the
dominant market for our exports.
By 1987 some 80 percent of Canadian
exports to the U.S. will be duty free.
Yet there remain some significant
tariff barriers and a growing array of non-tariff measures which
impede bilateral trade including U.S. buy American provisions.
Proposals for attacking these barriers
have included sectoral free trade arrangements, a variety of private
sector recommendations for trade enhancement and secure market
access.
I exclude none of these from consideration.
Our desire to examine all approaches
for closer economic cooperation with our major partner stems from
a prudent and pragmatic judgement about how and where interests
vital to Canada's economic development can best be served.
We seek trading arrangements which
provide fair but also secure access to the U.S. market, unfettered
by initiatives aimed at problems caused by other countries but
inadvertently hurting Canadian companies.
Our status as a north American nation
is a source of strength.
We are mature enough as a nation
and confident enough in ourselves to recognize this reality and
to take pride in an amicable relationship with a neighbour as
powerful as the United States.
The message to prospective foreign
investors in Canada is the same message we send to our trading
partners: a world economy more open and interdependent is in Canada's
interest and every nation's interest.
We supply virtually 100 percent of
your natural gas and electricity imports.
We are your largest supplier of uranium.
We are your second largest source of oil, at a rate of 580,000
barrels a day, ahead of any OPEC country.
A healthy energy sector is essential
to economic renewal.
Energy investment accounts for 30
per cent of total business investment in Canada.
The spin-offs to the rest of the
economy from a healthy and expanding energy sector are enormous.
As many of you are aware the goals
of the national energy program are commendable: its methods and
its results clearly are not.
Simply put, the NEP has failed to
meet its three stated objectives of fairness, security of supply,
and canadianization.
Our immediate objective is to build
a dynamic and growing energy sector.
We want to reassure investors that
Canada's energy sector offers outstanding opportunities to do
business.
We believe in the discipline of the
marketplace.
We are undertaking now the consultations
necessary to remove controls on oil prices in Canada.
The same philosophy is being applied
to our energy exports.
Since November 1, for example, natural
gas has begun moving south at market-oriented prices set by the
buyers and sellers, not by the government.
There are already signs that, after
several years of decline, our export volumes are re-establishing
their historic market share.
The value of natural gas sold to
the United States in 1985 may be $1 billion higher than it would
have been under the old government-set pricing system.
The market approach works.
We intend to make changes in the
back-in, the crown interest provision which reserves 25 per cent
of all interests in the Canada lands for the government.
Canada was not built by expropriating
retroactively other people's property.
This practice is odious and shall
not be followed by the new government of Canada.
Finally, in view of the major changes
in the energy price outlook, we will be undertaking a comprehensive
review of federal energy taxation.
Our objective will be to ensure that
appropriate investment incentives are provided in the taxation
system. Canadianization remains an objective.
But the system must be fair -- and
it shall be -- to all who invest in the growth of our economy.
There shall be one game -- building
Canada -- and one set of rules.
These shall not be changed after
the game has started to the detriment of any of the players
Canada is confronted with serious
problems and brilliant prospects.
Canada surpasses almost all others
in the resources with which nature has endowed us.
Our riches are not ours to dissipate
and mismanage. They are, in a sense, a trust ; and they place
a special obligation on those who are chosen to govern our nation.
We must strive to achieve a standard
of living that is second to none in the world. And we must share
that prosperity with others who need our assistance.
We owe it to our citizens to ensure
opportunity, fairness and justice for all. And we must attempt
to see these principles respected elsewhere in the world.
We owe it to our friends and allies
to carry Canada's fair share in providing for our collective safety
and security.
In short, Canadians have an obligation
to help make the world a better and safer place.
Not least, we owe it to ourselves
to honor excellence and pursue it relentlessly. Canada must stand
for the best in all fields of human endeavour.
And we must be uncompromising in
the pursuit of values that are the moral foundation of all great
nations.
That is my dream for my country:
a Canada fair and generous, tolerant and just.
I invite you to join with me in making
it a reality.