Public Opinion Research Study on Electoral Matters - Wave 2 – Detailed Results

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Main Sources of News

Around one-third of Canadian electors in April 2022 reported either television (33%) or online news websites or apps (29%) as their main source of news. Posts by news organizations and journalists on social media were the third most-popular medium (14%). Less than one in 10 electors preferred the radio (8%), posts by friends or family on social media (7%), print newspapers or magazines (4%), and other online news content (2%). These results are largely similar to those obtained in April 2021.

Notable subgroup differences regarding April 2022 respondents' main source of news included:

• Men were more likely to prefer online news (35% versus 24% among women), while women were more likely to prefer television (35% versus 30%) and social media posts by news organizations or journalists (16% versus 11%).
• Electors aged 18 to 34 were more likely to favour social media posts by friends or family (17% versus 5% among those aged 35–54 and 1% among those over 55) as well as social media posts by news organizations and journalists (26% versus 5% among electors aged 55+). On the other hand, those aged 35 to 54 more often preferred online news websites or apps (35% versus 25% among those aged 55+), while respondents aged 55 and older were more likely to prefer television (52% versus 9% among those aged 18–34 and 27% among those aged 35–54) or print newspapers or magazines (7% versus 2% among younger respondents).
• Electors with some university education were more likely to prefer online newspapers or apps (35%) compared to those with some college or trade school (26%) and those with a high school education or less (18%).
• Respondents with a high school education or less (42%) were more likely to prefer television compared to those with some college or trade school (36%) and those with at least some university-level education (27%).
• Indigenous electors were more likely to state that posts by friends or family on social media were their main source of news (14% versus 6% among non-Indigenous electors), while non-Indigenous respondents were more likely to prefer television (33% versus 18%) and radio (8% versus 3%).
• Respondents who were interested in politics were more likely to prefer online news websites or apps (33%) compared to those who were not (21%).
• Habitual voters were more likely to prefer television (36% versus 22%), while infrequent voters were more likely to prefer social media posts by friends or family (16% versus 4% among habitual voters).
• Respondents who held no conspiracy beliefs were more likely to prefer online news websites and apps (36%), while those who held strong conspiracy beliefs were more likely to prefer posts by friends and family on social media as their main source of news (13%).

Interest in Politics

A majority of Canadian electors are interested in politics (70%), including one in four (25%) who are very interested (25%) and almost one in two (45%) who are somewhat interested. On the other hand, around three in 10 are not interested in politics (29%), including one in five (22%) who are not very interested, and around one in 10 (8%) who are not at all interested.

In April 2022, a slight but still significantly higher proportion said they are very interested in politics (25% versus 22% in April 2021), but also not at all interested (8% versus 6% in 2021). Inversely, a significantly lower proportion of respondents said they are somewhat interested in politics (45% versus 49% in April 2021).

The following subgroups were more or less likely to be interested in politics:

• Men (80%) were more likely to be interested in politics than women (61%).
• Electors aged 55 and older (77%) were more likely to be interested in politics, while electors aged 35–54 (66%) and 18–34 (65%) were less likely.
• Respondents with at least some university education (77%) were more likely to be interested in politics, whereas those with a high school education or less (55%) were less likely.
• Respondents living in Alberta (76%) were more likely to be interested, whereas those living in Quebec were less likely (63%).
• Respondents living in urban or suburban areas (73%) were more likely to be interested in politics than those who lived in rural or small towns (65%).
• Habitual voters (75%) were more likely to be interested than infrequent voters (52%). ^{note 1}
• Those who voted in the 2021 federal general election (75%) were more likely to be interested than those who were eligible but did not vote (56%). ^{note 2} Respondents who had knowledge of federal and provincial powers (74%) were more likely to be interested than those who did not (57%).
• Electors with no conspiracy beliefs (76%) were more likely to be interested in politics, while those with mixed conspiracy beliefs (64%) were less likely.
• Respondents who generally trust people (78%) were more likely to be interested than those who do not (67%).

Knowledge of Provincial Powers

A vast majority of Canadian electors in April 2022 knew that the provincial level of government is primarily responsible for education (83%), while one in 10 attributed that responsibility to the federal government (10%). In lesser proportions, some respondents thought it was the municipal government's responsibility (3%), and some others (5%) did not know the answer.

The following subgroups were more or less likely to attribute responsibility for education to the provincial government:

• Men (84%) were more likely to say this than women (81%).
• Electors aged 55 and over (88%) were more likely to say this, while those aged 18 to 34 (73%) were less likely.
• Respondents from Quebec (87%) were more likely to say this than those from other provinces.
• Respondents with some university-level education (87%) were more likely to say this, while those with a high school or lower level of education were less likely (70%).
• Non-Indigenous respondents (84%) were more likely to say this than Indigenous respondents (66%).
• Non-immigrant respondents were more likely to say this than immigrants (85% versus 74%).
• Respondents who were interested in politics (86%) were more likely to say this than those who were not (74%).
• Habitual voters (88%) were more likely to say this than infrequent voters (63%).
• 2021 voters (88%) were more likely to say this than non-voters (71%).
• Respondents with no conspiracy beliefs (91%) were more likely to say this, whereas those with mixed (79%) or strong conspiracy beliefs (71%) were less likely.

Knowledge of Federal Powers

A vast majority of Canadians in April 2022 had knowledge of federal powers: nine in 10 knew it is the federal government that is primarily responsible for defence (90%). Small proportions thought it was the responsibility of the provincial government (4%), the municipal government (1%), or did not know the answer (5%).

The following subgroups were more or less likely to attribute the responsibility for defence to the federal government:

• Men (92%) were more likely to say this than women (88%).
• Electors aged 55 and over (95%) were more likely to say this, while those aged 18 to 34 (81%) were less likely.
• Respondents with at least some university-level education (94%) were more likely to say this, while those with a high school or lower level of education were less likely (79%).
• Respondents who are interested in politics (94%) were more likely to say this than those who are not interested (80%).
• Habitual voters (94%) were more likely to say this than infrequent voters (74%).
• 2021 voters (94%) were more likely to say this than non-voters (78%)
• Respondents with no conspiracy beliefs (96%) were more likely to say this, while those who have mixed (87%) or strong conspiracy beliefs (82%) were less likely.
• Respondents who tend to trust people (95%) were more likely to say this than those who do not (88%).

Confidence in Institutions in Canada

Respondents were asked to rate their confidence in seven institutions in Canada, presented at random. Among the institutions presented, the largest proportion (74%) of respondents said they have a great deal or a fair amount of confidence in Elections Canada, followed closely by the police (72%). A little over half expressed confidence in the provincial (55%) and federal governments (54%) as well as the mainstream media (51%). Less than two in five (37%) had confidence in big businesses and corporations, and only one in five (22%) had confidence in social media platforms.

A significantly lower proportion of respondents expressed confidence in Elections Canada in April 2022 compared to April 2021 (74% versus 78%). Confidence in the mainstream media observed a similar decrease (51% versus 55% in 2021), while confidence in other institutions did not change significantly.

In the detailed results, Elections Canada was also the institution in which the highest proportion (26%) of electors stated they have a great deal of confidence, compared to the police (19%), the federal and provincial governments (10% respectively) and the mainstream media (6%).

The following subgroups were more or less likely to have a great deal or fair amount of confidence in EC:^{footnote 3}

• Men (77%) were more likely to have confidence in EC than women (70%).
• Electors aged 55 and older (79%) were more likely to have confidence in EC, whereas electors aged 35–54 (70%) and 18–34 (69%) were less likely.
• Electors in Quebec (78%) were more likely to have confidence in EC, while electors in Alberta (66%) were less likely.
• Respondents from urban or suburban areas (77%) were more likely to have confidence in EC than those who live in rural or small-town areas (66%).
• Respondents with at least some university education (79%) were more likely to have confidence in EC, while those with a high school or less education were less likely (61%).
• Indigenous respondents (63%) were less likely to have confidence in EC than non-Indigenous respondents (75%).
• Respondents who are interested in politics (80%) were more likely to have confidence in EC than those who are not interested (59%).
• Habitual voters (78%) were more likely to have confidence in EC than infrequent voters (57%).
• 2021 voters (78%) were more likely to have confidence in EC than non-voters (65%).
• Respondents who know federal and provincial powers (78%) were more likely to have confidence in EC than those who do not (59%).
• Electors who do not hold conspiracy beliefs (88%) were more likely to have confidence in EC, whereas those with mixed conspiracy beliefs (69%) or strong conspiracy beliefs (52%) were less likely.
• Respondents who tend to trust people (87%) were more likely to have confidence in EC than those who do not (67%).
• Respondents who thought COVID-19 public health restrictions in their area were reasonable (82%) were more likely to have confidence in EC than those who thought restrictions were unreasonable (47%).

Opinion on the Fairness of Federal Elections

Overall, a majority (81%) of electors in April 2022 thought that Elections Canada runs federal elections fairly, with half of these (41%) thinking EC runs elections very fairly and the other half (40%) saying somewhat fairly. Inversely, one in 10 (11%) believed Elections Canada runs elections unfairly (7% somewhat unfairly, 4% very unfairly).

However, a lower proportion of electors thought Elections Canada runs elections fairly in April 2022 than in April 2021 (81% versus 87%).

The following subgroups were more or less likely to think that Elections Canada runs federal elections fairly in general:

• Men (84%) were more likely to say that EC runs elections fairly than women (78%).
• Electors aged 55 and older (86%) were more likely to say that EC runs elections fairly, whereas electors aged 35–54 (78%) and 18–34 (77%) were less likely.
• Respondents with at least some university education (86%) were more likely to say that EC runs elections fairly, while those with some college or trade education (80%) or high school or less education (72%) were less likely.
• Electors from British Columbia (85%) were more likely to say that EC runs elections fairly, whereas electors from Alberta (76%) were less likely.
• Indigenous electors (71%) were less likely to say that EC runs elections fairly than non-Indigenous electors (82%).
• Respondents who are interested in politics (86%) were more likely to say that EC runs elections fairly than those who are not interested (70%).
• Habitual voters (85%) were more likely to say that EC runs elections fairly than infrequent voters (67%).
• 2021 voters (86%) were more likely than non-voters (73%) to say that EC runs elections fairly.
• Respondents who know federal and provincial powers (85%) were more likely to say that EC runs elections fairly than those who do not (68%).
• Electors who do not hold conspiracy beliefs (93%) were more likely to say that EC runs elections fairly, while those with mixed conspiracy beliefs (77%) and those with strong conspiracy beliefs (62%) were less likely.
• Those who are generally trusting of people (91%) were more likely to say that EC runs elections fairly than those who are not (77%).
• Those who thought COVID-19 public health restrictions in their area had been reasonable (89%) were more likely to say that Elections Canada runs elections fairly than those who thought restrictions had been unreasonable (56%).

Reasons for Thinking Elections Canada Runs Elections Unfairly

Among the 11% of respondents in April 2022 who thought Elections Canada runs elections unfairly, around half (52%) provided a reason for this opinion. The other half (48%) did not have any particular reason (26%), did not know (8%), or preferred not to answer (14%).

The most common specific reasons for thinking Elections Canada runs elections unfairly were that the regional distribution of seats is unfair or allows elections to be decided by Ontario and Quebec (16%), concerns about electoral integrity and security or a belief that elections are "rigged" (11%), or a dislike of mail-in votes (7%). Other reasons include a general mistrust of government and politicians (6%), issues with the election being disorganized (3%), and perceived potential for voter fraud (2%).

The following reasons for thinking Elections Canada runs elections unfairly were mentioned by a significantly higher proportion of respondents in April 2022 than in April 2021:

• Regional distribution of seats is unfair, election being decided by Ontario/Quebec: 16% in April 2022 versus 9% in April 2021.
• Dislike mail-in votes: 7% versus 0%.
• Disorganized/issues: 3% versus 0%.
• Too much potential for voter fraud: 2% versus 0%.

Notable subgroup differences regarding respondents' main reasons to think that Elections Canada runs elections unfairly include:

• Women electors (32%) were more likely than men (20%) to have no particular reason for thinking that EC runs elections unfairly.
• Those with a high school education or less (47%) were more likely to have no particular reason, while those with at least some university (23%) or college (18%) were less likely to have no particular reason.
• Those who are not interested in politics were also more likely to have no particular reason (41%) compared to those who are interested (18%), as were those who did not vote in the 2021 federal general election (42%) compare with those who voted (19%).
• Electors from Manitoba and Saskatchewan (39%) were more likely than other regions to think the regional distribution of seats is unfair or that the election is determined by Ontario and Quebec. Other groups of electors who were more likely to think EC runs elections unfairly due to the regional distribution of seats include those who are interested in politics (21% versus 8%) and those who voted in the 2021 general election (21% versus 8%).
• Electors over 55 years old (15%) were more likely to mention disliking mail-in votes as their reason for thinking EC runs elections unfairly, while electors aged 18–34 (1%) were less likely. Those interested in politics (11% versus 0%), habitual voters (10% versus 0%), those who have knowledge of federal and provincial powers (10% versus 1%) and those who were trusting of people (19% versus 5%) were also more likely to dislike mail-in votes.

Trust in Election Changes

A split-sample experiment was conducted to explore whether electors have general trust in the government to propose changes to how federal elections are run, and if they specifically trust Elections Canada to propose changes.

In one-half of the split sample, nearly two-thirds (64%) of respondents agreed that if the government proposes changes to how federal elections are run, they are probably trying to make voting easier or fairer for all Canadians: 18% strongly agreed, and 46% somewhat agreed. Conversely, 14% somewhat disagreed and 7% strongly disagreed, while 15% said they did not know.

The following subgroups were more or less likely to agree that the government proposes changes to how federal elections are run in order to make voting easier or fairer for all Canadians:

• Electors from Quebec (73%) and the Atlantic regions (72%) were more likely to agree, while Albertans (56%) were less likely to agree.
• Electors living in urban or suburban areas (67%) were more likely to agree than those who live in rural areas or small towns (56%).
• Respondents with at least some university (67%) were more likely to agree, while those with some college or trade school (59%) were less likely.
• Respondents who are interested in politics (67%) were more likely to agree than those who are not interested (58%).
• Respondents who hold no conspiracy beliefs (69%) were more likely to agree, whereas those who hold mixed conspiracy beliefs (60%) were less likely.
• Respondents who are generally trusting of people (72%) were more likely to agree than those who are not (61%).
• Respondents who thought COVID-19 public health restrictions in their area had been reasonable (71%) were more likely to agree than those who thought they had been unreasonable (40%).

In the other half of the split sample, a higher proportion (76%) of respondents agreed that if Elections Canada proposes changes to how federal elections are run, they are probably trying to make voting easier or fairer for all Canadians: 28% strongly agreed, and 47% somewhat agreed. Conversely, 8% somewhat disagreed and 3% strongly disagreed, while 13% said they did not know.

The following subgroups were more or less likely to agree that Elections Canada proposes changes to how federal elections are run in order to make voting easier or fairer for all Canadians:

• Respondents with at least some university education (79%) were more likely to agree, whereas those with a high school or less education (70%) were less likely.
• Indigenous electors (66%) were less likely to agree than non-Indigenous electors (77%).
• Electors with a disability (65%) were less like to agree than those with no disability (78%).
• Respondents who are interested in politics (80%) were more likely to agree than those who are not interested (67%).
• Habitual voters (79%) were more likely to agree than infrequent voters (66%).
• Respondents who hold no conspiracy beliefs (86%) were more likely to agree, while those with mixed (73%) or strong (61%) conspiracy beliefs were less likely.
• Respondents who are generally trusting of people (85%) were more likely to agree than those who are not (72%).
• Respondents who thought COVID-19 public health restrictions in their area had been reasonable (83%) were more likely to agree than those who thought they had been unreasonable (56%).

Electronic Voter Information Card

Currently, Elections Canada mails every registered elector a voter information card (VIC) telling them when and where to vote whenever there is a federal election.

A majority (56%) of electors in April 2022 said if they had the option, they would choose to receive their voter information card electronically instead of in the mail, while around a third (35%) preferred to get it in the mail, and one in 10 (9%) did not know.

The following subgroups were more or less likely to choose to receive their voter information card electronically instead of getting it in the mail:

• Respondents in urban or suburban areas (58%) were more likely to choose an electronic VIC than those who live in small towns or rural areas (52%).
• Respondents aged 18–34 (64%) and 35–54 (60%) were more likely to choose an electronic VIC, while those aged over 55 (48%) were less likely.
• Respondents with at least some university education (61%) were more likely to choose an electronic VIC, while those with a high school education or less (48%) or some college (52%) were less likely.
• Immigrant respondents (66%) were more likely to choose an electronic VIC than non-immigrant electors (54%).
• Respondents without disabilities (57%) were more likely to choose an electronic VIC than those living with a disability (49%).
• Respondents who do not hold any conspiracy beliefs (60%) were more likely to choose an electronic VIC, while those who hold strong conspiracy beliefs (54%) or mixed conspiracy beliefs (53%) were less likely to do so.
• Respondents who thought COVID-19 public health restrictions in their area had been reasonable (59%) were more likely to choose an electronic VIC than those who thought restrictions had been unreasonable (48%).

Electoral Interference

Respondents were asked if they thought different types of electoral interference could have any impact on the outcome of the next federal election in Canada.

Similar to April 2021, the largest proportion (77%) of electors in April 2022 thought that the spread of false information online could have a moderate or greater impact on the outcome of the next federal elections, including four in 10 (42%) who thought it could have a major impact. The second-largest proportion (65%) thought that foreign money being used to influence Canadian politics could have an impact (27% said a major impact), closely followed by 64% who thought foreign countries or groups using social media and other means to influence the political opinions of Canadians could have an impact (27% said a major impact). Finally, six in 10 (60%) electors thought hacking by foreign countries or groups into the computer systems that support the election could have an impact (29% said a major impact).

In April 2022, a significantly higher proportion of respondents thought that hacking by foreign countries or groups could have a major or moderate impact on the outcome of the next federal election compared with April 2021 (60% versus 55%).

The following subgroups were more likely to think that "the spread of false information online" could have a moderate or major impact on the outcome of the next federal election:

• Electors aged 55 and older (81%), compared with electors aged 35–54 (73%).
• Respondents who are interested in politics (82%) compared with those who are not interested in politics (67%).
• Habitual voters (79%) compared with infrequent voters (69%).
• Electors who have knowledge of federal and provincial powers (79%) compared with those who do not (69%).

Additionally, electors with no conspiracy beliefs (81%) were more likely to think the spread of false information online could have an impact on the next election, while those with mixed conspiracy beliefs (74%) were less likely.

The following subgroups were more or less likely to think that "foreign money being used to influence politics in Canada" could have a moderate or major impact on the outcome of the next federal election:

• Men (68%) were more likely to think that foreign money could have an impact on the next election than women (63%).
• Electors over 55 years old (70%) were more likely to think that foreign money could have an impact, whereas electors aged 18–34 (60%) were less likely to think so.
• Respondents who are interested in politics (70%) were more likely to think that foreign money could have an impact than those who are not interested (54%).
• Habitual voters (67%) were more likely to think that foreign money could have an impact than infrequent voters (57%).
• Respondents who hold strong conspiracy beliefs (78%) were more likely to think that foreign money could have an impact, whereas those with or mixed conspiracy beliefs (62%) were less likely to think so.

The following subgroups were more or less likely to think that "foreign countries or groups using social media and other means to influence the political opinions of Canadians" could have a moderate or major impact on the outcome of the next federal election:

• Men (68%) were more likely to think that foreign influence efforts could have an impact than women (60%).
• Electors over 55 years old (71%) were more likely to think that foreign influence efforts could have an impact, whereas those aged 18–34 (60%) and 35–54 (59%) were less likely to do so.
• Immigrant electors (69%) were more likely to think that foreign influence efforts could have an impact than non-immigrant electors (63%).
• Respondents interested in politics (71%) were more likely to think that foreign influence efforts could have an impact than those who are not interested (49%).
• Habitual voters (66%) were more likely to think that foreign influence efforts could have an impact than infrequent voters (57%).
• Respondents who have knowledge of provincial and federal powers (65%) were more likely to think that foreign influence efforts could have an impact than those who do not (60%).
• Electors with strong conspiracy beliefs (73%) were more likely to think that foreign influence efforts could have an impact, whereas those who do not hold conspiracy beliefs (65%) and those with mixed conspiracy beliefs (61%) were less likely to think so.

The following subgroups were more or less likely to think that "hacking by foreign countries or groups into the computer systems that support the election" could have a moderate or major impact on the outcome of the next federal election:

• Electors over 55 years old (67%) were more likely to think that hacking into election systems could have an impact on the outcome of the next election, while those aged 35–54 (58%) and 18–34 (53%) were less likely to think so.
• Quebec electors (66%) were more likely than those in other regions to believe that hacking could have an impact.
• Immigrant respondents (66%) were more likely to think that hacking could have an impact than non-immigrant respondents (59%).
• Respondents who are interested in politics (63%) were more likely to think that hacking could have an impact than those who are not (54%).
• Electors with strong conspiracy beliefs (72%) were more likely to think that hacking could have an impact, while those who do not hold conspiracy beliefs (57%) were less likely to think so.
• Respondents who thought COVID-19 public health restrictions in their area had been reasonable (64%) were more likely to think that hacking could have an impact than those who thought public health restrictions had been unreasonable (53%).

Opinions on the Integrity of the Voting System in Canada

In April 2022, around two-thirds (68%) of a split sample of electors thought the voting system in Canada was safe and reliable, one in five thought it was prone to fraud (21%), and one in 10 did not know (11%).

A significantly lower proportion of respondents in April 2022 agreed with the statement "voting is safe and reliable" compared to April 2021 (68% versus 74%) and a higher proportion agreed that voting is prone to fraud (21% versus 17%).

The following subgroups were more or less likely to believe that the voting system in Canada is safe and reliable:

• Men (73%) were more likely to think the voting system is safe and reliable than women (64%).
• Electors aged 55 and older (75%) were more likely to think the voting system is safe and reliable, while electors aged 35–54 (64%) were less likely to do so.
• Respondents who live in an urban or suburban area (72%) were more likely to think the voting system is safe and reliable than those who live in a small town or rural area (59%).
• Respondents with at least some university education (76%) were more likely to think the voting system is safe and reliable, while respondents with a high school or less education (54%) or with some college or trade school (62%) were less likely.
• Non-Indigenous electors (69%) were more likely to think the voting system is safe and reliable than Indigenous electors (54%).
• Respondents who are interested in politics (73%) were more likely to think the voting system is safe and reliable than those who are not interested (56%).
• Habitual voters (73%) were more likely to think the voting system is safe and reliable than infrequent voters (49%).
• Those who voted in the 2021 election (74%) were more likely to think the voting system is safe and reliable than those who did not vote (52%).
• Respondents who had knowledge of federal and provincial powers (72%) were more likely to think the voting system is safe and reliable than those who did not (55%).
• Electors who do not hold conspiracy beliefs (85%) were more likely to think the voting system is safe and reliable, while those with mixed conspiracy beliefs (60%) and those with strong conspiracy beliefs (47%) were less likely.
• Electors who tend to be trusting toward people (82%) were more likely to think the voting system is safe and reliable than those who are distrustful (60%).
• Respondents who thought COVID-19 public health restrictions in their area had been reasonable (75%) were more likely to think the voting system is safe and reliable than those who thought they had been unreasonable (46%).

Opinions on the Integrity of Voting by Mail in Canada

In April 2022, less than half (46%) of a split sample of respondents thought voting by mail is safe and reliable, while one-third thought it is prone to fraud (35%) and one in five (19%) did not know.

A significantly lower proportion of respondents in April 2022 agreed with the statement "voting by mail is safe and reliable" compared to April 2021 (46% versus 51%).

The following subgroups were more or less likely to believe that voting by mail is safe and reliable:

• Men (52%) were more likely to believe that voting by mail is safe and reliable than women (41%).
• Respondents with a university education (53%) were more likely to believe that voting by mail is safe and reliable, while respondents with a high school or less education (29%) were less likely.
• Non-Indigenous respondents (47%) were more likely to believe that voting by mail is safe and reliable than Indigenous respondents (28%).
• Respondents who are interested in politics (51%) were more likely to believe that voting by mail is safe and reliable than those who are not interested (37%).
• Electors who do not hold conspiracy beliefs (64%) were more likely to believe that voting by mail is safe and reliable, while those with mixed conspiracy beliefs (37%) and those with strong conspiracy beliefs (30%) were less likely.
• Respondents who are generally trusting of people (55%) were more likely to believe that voting by mail is safe and reliable than those who are not (42%).
• Respondents who thought COVID-19 public health restrictions in their area had been reasonable (53%) were more likely to believe that voting by mail is safe and reliable than those who thought they had been unreasonable (25%).

Types of Voter Fraud

Electors were asked how often they think different types of voter fraud happen in Canadian federal elections.

Similar to April 2021, two in five (41%) electors in April 2022 thought that someone impersonating someone else is a type of voter fraud that happens in Canadian federal elections, with one in 10 (10%) thinking it happens often and one in three (32%) thinking it happens sometimes.

One in three (35%) think that someone voting who is not a Canadian citizen happens often (9%) or sometimes (26%), and one-third (33%) also think that someone voting more than once happens often (7%) or sometimes (26%). The lowest proportion (29%) think someone stealing or tampering with ballots after they have been cast happens often (7%) or sometimes (21%).

Greater proportions of respondents said that the following types of voter fraud happen often or sometimes in April 2022 compared to April 2021:

• Someone voting more than once: 33% compared with 29%.
• Someone stealing or tampering with ballots after they have been cast: 29% compared with 25%.

The following subgroups were more or less likely to think that "someone impersonating someone else" is a kind of fraud that happens often or sometimes in Canadian federal elections:

• Electors living in Quebec (52%) were more likely to think impersonation happens, while electors living in Ontario (38%) and British Columbia (32%) were less likely.
• Respondents living in rural or small towns (46%) were more likely to think impersonation happens than those who live in urban or suburban areas (39%).
• Respondents with a high school or less education (49%) or some college or trade school (45%) were more likely to think impersonation happens, while those with at least some university education (36%) were less likely to think so.
• Indigenous electors (54%) were more likely to think impersonation happens than non-Indigenous electors (41%).
• Infrequent voters (48%) were more likely to think impersonation happens than habitual voters (39%).
• 2021 non-voters (52%) were more likely to think impersonation happens than 2021 voters (39%).
• Respondents who do not have knowledge of federal and provincial powers (48%) were more likely to think impersonation happens than those who do (39%).
• Electors with strong (71%) or mixed (44%) conspiracy beliefs were more likely to think impersonation happens, while those who do not hold conspiracy beliefs (27%) were less likely.
• Respondents who tend to be distrustful of people (48%) were more likely to think impersonation happens than those who tend to be trusting (33%).
• Respondents who thought COVID-19 public health restrictions in their area had been unreasonable (49%) were more likely to think impersonation happens than those who thought they had been reasonable (40%).

The following subgroups were more or less likely to think that "someone voting who is not a Canadian citizen" is a kind of fraud that happens often or sometimes in Canadian federal elections:

• Electors living in rural or small towns (41%) were more likely to think non-citizen voting happens than those who live in urban or suburban areas (33%).
• Respondents with a high school or less education (42%) were more likely to think non-citizen voting happens than those with some university education (31%).
• Indigenous electors (53%) were more likely to think non-citizen voting happens than non-Indigenous electors (34%).
• Infrequent voters (44%) were more likely to think non-citizen voting happens than habitual voters (33%).
• 2021 non-voters (44%) were more likely to think non-citizen voting happens than 2021 voters (33%).
• Respondents who do not have knowledge of provincial and federal powers (40%) were more likely to think non-citizen voting happens than those who do (34%).
• Electors with strong conspiracy beliefs (68%) were more likely to think non-citizen voting happens, while those who do not hold conspiracy beliefs (21%) were less likely.
• Respondents who tend to be distrustful of people (41%) were more likely to express concern about non-citizens voting than those who tend to be trusting (29%).
• Respondents who thought COVID-19 public health restrictions in their area had been unreasonable (51%) were more likely to think non-citizen voting happens than those who thought restrictions had been reasonable (32%).

The following subgroups were more or less likely to think that "someone voting more than once" is a kind of fraud that happens often or sometimes in Canadian federal elections:

• Electors living in Quebec (44%) were more likely to think multiple voting happens, while electors living in Ontario (30%) and the Atlantic region (26%) were less likely.
• Respondents in rural or small towns (39%) were more likely to think multiple voting happens than those in urban or suburban areas (31%).
• Respondents with a high school degree or less (43%) and those with some college or trade education (37%) were more likely to think multiple voting happens, while those with at least some university education (27%) were less likely.
• Indigenous voters (45%) were more likely to think multiple voting happens than non-Indigenous voters (33%).
• Infrequent voters (42%) were more likely to think multiple voting happens than habitual voters (31%).
• 2021 non-voters (44%) were more likely to think multiple voting happens than 2021 voters (31%).
• Respondents who do not have knowledge of federal and provincial powers (38%) were more likely to think multiple voting happens than those who do (32%).
• Electors with strong conspiracy beliefs (64%) were more likely to think multiple voting happens, while those who do not hold conspiracy beliefs (20%) were less likely.
• Respondents who tend to be distrustful of people (40%) were more likely to think multiple voting happens than those who tend to be trusting (25%).
• Respondents who thought COVID-19 public health restrictions in their area had been unreasonable (44%) were more likely to think multiple voting happens than those who thought restrictions had been reasonable (31%).

The following subgroups were more or less likely to think that "someone stealing or tampering with ballots after they have been cast" is a kind of fraud that happens often or sometimes in Canadian federal elections:

• Women (31%) were more likely to think ballot tampering happens than men (26%).
• Electors aged 18–34 (36%) were more likely to think ballot tampering happens than electors aged 55 and older (22%).
• Respondents from Alberta (37%) were more likely to think ballot tampering happens, while those from British Columbia (24%) were less likely.
• Respondents with a high school degree or less education (37%) were more likely to think ballot tampering happens, while those with some university education (24%) were less likely.
• Indigenous electors (46%) were more likely to think ballot tampering happens than non-Indigenous electors (28%).
• Infrequent voters (44%) were more likely to think ballot tampering happens than habitual voters (25%).
• 2021 non-voters (46%) were more likely to think ballot tampering happens than 2021 voters (24%).
• Respondents who do not have knowledge of provincial and federal powers (42%) were more likely to think ballot tampering happens than those who do (25%)
• Electors with strong conspiracy beliefs (65%) were more likely to think ballot tampering happens, while those who do not hold conspiracy beliefs (13%) were less likely.
• Respondents who tend to be distrustful of people (35%) were more likely to think ballot tampering happens than those who tend to be trusting (20%).
• Respondents who thought COVID-19 public health restrictions in their area had been unreasonable (43%) were more likely to think ballot tampering happens than those who thought they had been reasonable (26%).

Opinions on COVID-19 Restrictions

As of April 2022, a majority of Canadian electors (77%) thought the COVID-19 public health restrictions in their area had been reasonable over the course of the pandemic, including one-third (35%) who thought they had been very reasonable, and two in five (42%) who thought they had been somewhat reasonable. On the other hand, one in 10 (11%) thought public health restrictions had been somewhat unreasonable, and almost the same proportion (9%) thought they had been very unreasonable. Only a few electors (3%) said they did not know.

The following subgroups were more or less likely to think that COVID-19 public health restrictions in their area have been reasonable:

• Electors aged 55 years or older (85%) were more likely to think public health restrictions had been reasonable, while respondents aged 18–34 (68%) were less likely.
• Respondents in the Atlantic region (84%) were more likely to think public health restrictions had been reasonable, while those in Alberta (71%) were less likely.
• Respondents living in urban or suburban areas (79%) were more likely to think public health restrictions had been reasonable than those living in rural areas or small towns (73%).
• Habitual voters (80%) were more likely to think public health restrictions had been reasonable than infrequent voters (67%).
• Those who voted in 2021 (80%) were more likely to think that public health restrictions had been reasonable than those did not vote (71%).
• Respondents who have knowledge of federal and provincial powers (79%) were more likely to think public health restrictions had been reasonable than those who do not (72%).
• Electors with no conspiracy beliefs (88%) were more likely to think public health restrictions had been reasonable, while those with mixed (75%) or strong (58%) conspiracy beliefs were less likely.
• Respondents who generally trust people (84%) were more likely to think public health restrictions had been reasonable than those who do not (74%).

Political Efficacy

In April 2022, two-thirds of electors (66%) said they do not think the government cares much what people like them think: 26% strongly agreed and 40% somewhat agreed. Around half of Canadian electors (52%) agreed either strongly (10%) or somewhat (42%) that sometimes politics and government seem so complicated that someone like them can't understand it. Finally, four in 10 (43%) agreed that all federal political parties are basically the same and do not really offer a choice, including one in 10 (11%) who strongly agreed and one in three (32%) who somewhat agreed.

The following subgroups were more or less likely to agree with the statement "I do not think government cares much about what people like me think":

• Electors aged 55 and older (63%) were less likely to agree than all other ages.
• Respondents living in Alberta (78%) were more likely to agree, while those living in Quebec (57%) were less likely to agree.
• Respondents with some college or trade education (73%) were more likely to agree, while those with university education (61%) were less likely.
• Indigenous respondents (77%) were more likely to agree than non-Indigenous respondents (66%).
• Non-immigrant respondents (67%) were more likely to agree than immigrant respondents (61%).
• Infrequent voters (71%) were more likely to agree than habitual voters (65%).
• Respondents who hold strong (88%) conspiracy beliefs were more likely to agree, while those with mixed conspiracy beliefs (68%) and those who hold no conspiracy beliefs (55%) were less likely.
• Respondents who tend to be distrustful of people (72%) were more likely to agree than those who tend to be trusting (59%).
• Respondents who thought COVID-19 public health restrictions in their area had been unreasonable (82%) were more likely to agree than those who thought they had been reasonable (63%).

The following subgroups were more or less likely to agree with the statement "Sometimes politics and government seem so complicated that someone like me can't really understand what's going on":

• Women (57%) were more likely to agree than men (46%).
• Respondents aged 18 to 34 (60%) were more likely to agree, while respondents aged 55 and older (46%) were less likely.
• Respondents with a high school education or less (62%) were more likely to agree, while those with some university-level education (46% were less likely.
• Indigenous respondents (62%) were more likely to agree than non-Indigenous respondents (51%).
• Respondents who are not interested in politics (65%) were more likely to agree than those who are interested (46%).
• Infrequent voters (66%) were more likely to agree than habitual voters (48%).
• 2021 non-voters (61%) were more likely to agree than 2021 voters (49%).
• Respondents with no knowledge of federal and provincial powers (65%) were more likely to agree than those who do have knowledge of them (48%).
• Respondents with strong (69%) or mixed (56%) conspiracy beliefs were more likely to agree, while those with no conspiracy beliefs (39%) were less likely.
• Respondents who tend to be distrustful of people (56%) were more likely to agree than those who tend to be trusting (48%).

The following subgroups were more or less likely to agree with the statement "All federal political parties are basically the same, there is not really a choice":

• Respondents aged 18–34 (48%) and 35–54 (47%) were more likely to agree, while those aged 55 and older (37%) were less likely.
• Those with a high school or less education (54%) were more likely to agree, while those with some university education (39%) were less likely.
• Respondents who are not interested in politics (55%) were more likely to agree than those who are interested (39%).
• Infrequent voters (57%) were more likely to agree than habitual voters (40%).
• 2021 non-voters (54%) were more likely to agree than 2021 voters (40%).
• Respondents who do not have knowledge of provincial and federal powers (57%) were more likely to agree than those who do (40%).
• Respondents with strong conspiracy beliefs (77%) were more likely to agree, while those with no conspiracy beliefs (29%) were less likely.
• Respondents who tend to be distrustful of people (50%) were more likely to agree than those who are trusting (35%).
• Respondents who thought COVID-19 public health restrictions in their area had been unreasonable (57%) were more likely to agree than those who thought they had been reasonable (41%).

Trust in People

A majority (59%) of Canadians say that, generally speaking, they need to be careful when dealing with people, while over one in three (37%) say that most people can be trusted.

The following subgroups were more or less likely to think that most people can be trusted:

• Men (42%) were more likely to say that most people can be trusted than women (33%).
• Respondents aged 55 and older (44%) were more likely to say that most people can be trusted, while those aged 18–34 (31%) were less likely.
• Respondents with at least some university education (43%) were more likely to say that most people can be trusted, while those with some college or trade education (32%) or high school or less (31%) were less likely.
• Respondents who are interested in politics (41%) were more likely to say that most people can be trusted than those who are not interested (28%).
• Habitual voters (40%) were more likely to say that most people can be trusted than infrequent voters (27%).
• Respondents with knowledge of provincial and federal powers (40%) were more likely to say that most people can be trusted than those without this knowledge (29%).
• Respondents with no conspiracy beliefs (51%) were more likely to say that most people can be trusted, while those with mixed (30%) or strong (27%) conspiracy beliefs were less likely to do so.
• Respondents who thought COVID-19 public health restrictions in their area had been reasonable (41%) were more likely to say that most people can be trusted than those who thought restrictions had been unreasonable (28%).

Belief in Government Conspiracy Theories

Belief in broad conspiracy theories about government remained similar in April 2022 compared with April 2021, as less than half of respondents accepted each of the theories presented as being probably or definitely true. The most accepted theory (41%) was that certain significant events have been the result of the activity of a small group who secretly manipulate world events, with one in 10 (11%) thinking it was definitely true and three in 10 (30%) probably true. About one-third (32%) thought that experiments involving new drugs or technologies are routinely carried out on the public without their knowledge (9% said definitely true, 23% said probably true). Less than one in five (18%) Canadian electors thought that the government is trying to cover up the link between vaccines and autism (5% said definitely true, 13% said probably true).

Compared with April 2021, similar proportions of respondents in April 2022 accepted each of the conspiracy theories as true; however, all three conspiracy theories had significantly lower proportions of respondents who considered them to be probably or definitely false:

• Certain significant events have been the result of the activity of a small group who secretly manipulate world events: 47% said this is false in April 2022 compared with 52% in April 2021.
• Experiments involving new drugs or technologies are routinely carried out on the public without their knowledge or consent: 58% said this is false in April 2022 compared with 62% in April 2021.
• The government is trying to cover up the link between vaccines and autism: 69% said this is false in April 2022 compared with 72% in April 2021.

The following subgroups were more or less likely to think that the statement "certain significant events have been the result of the activity of a small group who secretly manipulate world events" is definitely or probably true:

• Men (43%) were more likely to accept this as true than women (39%).
• Respondents with a high school education or less (52%) and those with some college or trade school (47%) were more likely to accept this as true, while those with some university (33%) were less likely to accept it.
• Indigenous electors (55%) were more likely to accept this as true than non-Indigenous electors (40%).
• Electors with a disability (48%) were more likely to accept this as true than those without a disability (40%).
• Respondents who are interested in politics (43%) were more likely to accept this as true than those who are not interested (36%).
• Infrequent voters (52%) were more likely to accept this as true than habitual voters (38%).
• 2021 non-voters (49%) were more likely to accept this as true than 2021 voters (39%).
• Respondents who do not have knowledge of federal and provincial powers (53%) were more likely to accept this as true than those who do (37%).
• Respondents who tend to be distrustful of people (47%) were more likely to accept this as true than those who tend to be trusting (33%).
• Respondents who thought COVID-19 public health restrictions in their area had been unreasonable (57%) were more likely to accept this as true than those who thought they had been reasonable (38%).

The following subgroups were more or less likely to think that the statement "experiments involving new drugs or technologies are routinely carried out on the public without their knowledge or consent" is definitely or probably true:

• Electors aged 18–34 (36%) were more likely to accept this as true, while electors aged 55 and older (27%) were less likely.
• Respondents with a high school or less education (44%) were more likely to accept this as true, while those with a university education (26%) were less likely to do so.
• Indigenous electors (49%) were more likely to accept this as true than non-Indigenous electors (30%).
• Infrequent voters (46%) were more likely to accept this as true than habitual voters (28%).
• 2021 non-voters (43%) were more likely to accept this as true than 2021 voters (28%).
• Respondents who do not have knowledge of federal and provincial powers (48%) were more likely to accept this as true than those who do have this knowledge (27%).
• Respondents who tend to be distrustful of people (37%) were more likely to accept this as true than those who tend to be trusting (24%).
• Respondents who thought COVID-19 public health restrictions in their area had been unreasonable (50%) were more likely to accept this as true than those who thought they had been reasonable (28%).

The following subgroups were more or less likely to think that the statement "The government is trying to cover up the link between vaccines and autism" is definitely or probably true:

• Electors aged 18–34 (23%) and 35–54 (22%) were more likely to accept this as true, while electors 55 and older (12%) were less likely.
• Electors living in Ontario (21%) were more likely to accept this as true, while electors living in Quebec (13%) were less likely.
• Respondents with a high school or less education (25%) were more likely to accept this as true, while those with at least some university education (15%) were less likely.
• Indigenous electors (30%) were more likely to accept this as true than non-Indigenous electors (17%).
• Immigrant electors (23%) were more likely to accept this as true than non-immigrant electors (17%).
• Infrequent voters (34%) were more likely to accept this as true than habitual voters (14%).
• 2021 non-voters (27%) were more likely to accept this as true than 2021 voters (15%).
• Respondents who do not have knowledge of provincial and federal powers (32%) were more likely to accept this as true than those who do (14%).
• Respondents who tend to be distrustful of people (21%) were more likely to accept this as true than those who tend to be trusting (14%).
• Respondents who thought COVID-19 public health restrictions in their area had been unreasonable (35%) were more likely to accept this as true than those who did not (14%).

Respondents were categorized as having strong, mixed, or no conspiracy beliefs, where those who accepted all statements as at least probably true or any two statements as definitely true were considered to have strong conspiracy beliefs, while those who rejected all of the statements as probably or definitely false were considered to have no beliefs, and all others were considered to have mixed beliefs. Based on this definition, 15% of respondents in April 2022 were identified as having strong conspiracy beliefs, 47% had mixed beliefs, and 38% had no beliefs.

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