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Polygamy in Canada: Legal and Social Implications for Women and Children – A Collection of Policy Research Reports

An International Review of Polygamy:
Legal and Policy Implications for Canada

2. REVIEW OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH AND MEDIA REPORTS

The following review summarizes information available from social science research and media reports on polygamy in Canada and in other countries. The major focus is on the social, health, economic and psychological effects on women and children living in polygamous families. This review is undertaken to clarify legal and policy issues in regard to polygamy in Canada. While the international literature is informative, it must also be appreciated that the effects of polygamy on individuals are very much influenced by the broader social, cultural and economic context of the society in which they live. Further, those who live in polygamous families in North America are virtually all members of religious communities that have different values, practices and beliefs from the broader society in regard to marriage and many other issues.

Polygamy: The Nature and Extent of Polygamy

Polygamy is defined as "the practice of having more than one spouse at the same time" (Embry 1987: xvi). There are two basic forms of polygamy: polyandry, where one woman has more than one husband, and polygyny, where one man has more than one wife. Over the course of history and today, polygyny is by far the most common form of polygamy, though there have been some documented reports of the practice of polyandry in isolated societies (Al-Krenawi et al. 1997). This review focusses exclusively on polygyny, which appears to be the only type of polygamy practised in North America. Further, the term "polygamy" is often used to mean polygyny, and in this paper, unless otherwise indicated, we follow that common usage.

Polygyny is practised in about 850 societies in the world (Bergstrom 1994). It is most common in Middle Eastern and African nations, where demographic, economic, cultural and, predominantly, religious antecedents continue to encourage its practice (Elbedour et al. 2002). Specifically, cultural groups with a high incidence of polygamous marriage include Kuwaitis, Saudi Arabians, Bedouin Arabs, the Xhosa of South Africa, the Yononamo of Venezuela, Nigerians, Ghanians, the Kipogi and Datagal of East Africa, and the Yoruba of West Africa (Elbedour et al. 2000). There is also a history of the practice of polygamous marriage in South and East Asia, including China, India, Bangladesh and Pakistan.

In North America, polygamy is not widely practised, but there is a reasonably well documented history of polygamy. The incidence of polygamy is unknown, largely due to the legal prohibitions against plural marriage and the consequent secrecy. Estimates of the number of people living in polygamous families in North America range from 30,000 to 210,000 (Kopala 2005; Strassberg 2003). The current practice of polygamy in North America is most often associated with Fundamentalist Mormon groups, whose practice is based on their religious beliefs (Embry 1987; Altman and Ginat 1996). Most are Fundamentalist Mormons (with the largest group being the Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints), primarily living in relatively isolated areas in Arizona, Texas and Utah, with some living in British Columbia and Alberta. In addition, polygamy is practised by Muslim families in North America. Though the number of these families is unknown (Hassouneh-Phillips 2001), it does not appear to be large. Further, there are also Christian, Jewish and non-denominational polygamous families scattered across North America. While there was a history of polygamy among some Aboriginal peoples, the practice seems to have died out among them.

North America

In Fundamentalist Mormon communities, marriages are generally arranged by religious leaders based on the belief that it is a way by which God, speaking through these leaders (often called "prophets"), can act directly in the lives of the people. Because polygamous marriages are not legally recognized in North America, the common practice is for a man to legally marry his first wife, and thereafter have religious ceremonies to establish "celestial marriages." Participation in polygamous marriages is considered a fundamental part of the religious practice of Fundamentalist Mormons. For women, entrance to the highest levels of heaven is believed to be dependent on obedient participation in an assigned plural marriage and the bearing of as many children as possible (Committee on Polygamous Issues 1993; Embry 1987). If a man displeases religious leaders, he may be excommunicated from the Church, and in some Fundamentalist Mormon communities, his wives may be "reassigned" to another male member of the faith in good standing.

Those in polygamous unions value love-based relationships between husbands and wives, but concurrently multiple dyadic (husband and wife) relationships must coexist in the same family unit (Altman and Ginat 1996). There is the potential for competition and rivalry between wives, with some wives and their children favoured over others. Relationships between wives must be managed if familial harmony is to be maintained. Fundamentalist Mormon family structure is highly patriarchal, with the husband being viewed as the head of the household, and the one who will determine his wife's entry into heaven. As identified by Peters (1994) and Altman and Ginat (1996), since these communities practise polygamy in violation of existing cultural, social and legal norms, there is often a great deal of secrecy and isolation to preserve their collective beliefs and practices. They also tend to be isolated geographically, and it is difficult for researchers, police or child protection workers to gain meaningful access to these communities.

Fundamentalist Mormons typically differ from the wider society not only in terms of the practice of polygamy, but also in beliefs and practices of religious observance, deference to religious authority, dress, gender roles, recreation and social activities. Members of these communities reject the values and culture of the wider society in regard to marriage and gender equality. According to Altman and Ginat (1996), membership in a Fundamentalist Mormon community subjects individuals to many pressures, both internally (family, community) and externally (culture, society). It is impossible to separate the effects of polygamy on women and children from the effect of living in a socially isolated community, with very strict expectations for its members that differ radically from those of the broader society.

Canada - Fundamentalist Mormons

Despite being illegal under the Criminal Code, polygamy is practised by Fundamentalist Mormons in Bountiful in the British Columbia interior, a community established in 1946 by Fundamentalist Mormons from the United States, and in some nearby communities in Alberta. It is estimated that about 1,000 people live in polygamous families in this area. However, despite being relatively well established, much of what is known about the Fundamentalist Mormon families in British Columbia and Alberta is provided by media accounts; very little published research or literature on these communities exists.

Media accounts indicate that Fundamentalist Mormon families lived in relative anonymity until the early 1990s, after sexual abuse charges were laid against several male members of the Bountiful community and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) began an investigation into allegations of polygamous marriage (Dawson 1990; Todd 1991a, 1991b). The RCMP investigation concluded with the recommendation that two of the community's leaders should be charged with polygamy under the Criminal Code. However, the Attorney General of British Columbia did not lay any polygamy charges as it received a legal opinion that the polygamy provisions of the Code violated the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms guarantees of religious freedom (Weatherbe 1993; The Kitchener-Waterloo Record 1993; Economist 2004), though three male members of the community were convicted of sexual offences.

Since the police investigations in the early 1990s, there has been considerable media attention paid to the polygamous community in Bountiful. As the legal and legislative debate continued, several social issues surrounding polygamous family structure were raised in the media. Questions concerning allegations of child abuse and incest, the inequality of women in polygamous relationships, and the legality of polygamous unions in Canada were frequently debated, often resulting in criticism of the practice of polygamy in Bountiful (Dawson 1990; The Windsor Star 1991; Todd 1991a, 1991b; McLintock 1992; Weatherbe 1993; The Kitchener-Waterloo Record 1993; Zurowski 1992a, 1992b). Questions have persistently been raised about the relationship between the practice of polygamy and the abuse of children and women. Although community leaders and spokespersons have strongly asserted that any form of abuse or maltreatment is rare, ex-members detailed many instances of inappropriate behaviour, and child and spousal abuse that occurred in the community (Egan 1999). Media accounts drew on the reports of ex-members, who spoke of the problems inherent in Mormon polygamous families: sexual, spiritual, physical and emotional abuse, and neglect of children, the tensions among wives, and the lack of involvement of fathers in raising their children (The Windsor Star 1991; Todd 1991a; The Kitchener-Waterloo Record 1993; Egan 1999; Rhodes 1999; Matas 2002b; Milke 2005). According to some reports, families are so large that many live in poverty (Todd 1991b). Reports also raised concerns as to how women were treated in polygamous communities, discussing issues of gender inequality (Stirk 2002). The reports often referred to the patriarchal control exercised over women and children, which one ex-member claimed got to the point where women "lived in fear and couldn't think anymore" (Todd 1991a: D5).

Editorials in newspapers and advocacy groups have criticized the public funding of the school in Bountiful. It is claimed that this independent school indoctrinates children with patriarchal views toward women and the importance of polygamy in their attaining spiritual salvation (Weatherbe 1993; McLintock 1992; Matas 2002b; Economist 2004; Elsworth 2004; Bramham 2004b). These accusations also brought the quality of education that children were receiving in Bountiful into question. However, women living in polygamous marriages in the community (who were interviewed by the media on rare occasions) maintain that their experiences are positive, and that they are free to make their own decisions (Elsworth 2004; Bramham 2004a; MacQueen 2004).

Another police investigation began in 2004 to again consider laying charges in Bountiful, and to re-explore allegations of poor education, misuse of provincial education funds and the possibility of sexual, physical and emotional abuse, and neglect of children (Bramham 2004a, 2004c; The Edmonton Journal 2004; MacQueen 2004). New issues raised by the media accompanied this investigation. Specifically, reports focussed on the relationship between American and Canadian polygamous communities: the struggle for economic, religious and political power within the communities. Several articles reported that adolescent females were being trafficked between American and Canadian polygamous communities, to enter into arranged polygamous marriages (Matas 2002a; Economist 2004; Baron 2004; Elsworth 2004; Daily Press 2005; Bramham 2005; National Post 2005). A related issue is immigration, with articles criticizing Canadian authorities for allowing American female adolescents and women to gain entry to Canada to live in polygamous relationships (Bramham 2004b).

The growing number of members leaving their polygamous communities in Canada and the United States has also been a subject of media attention. According to recent reports, many of those leaving these communities are young men who have experienced physical and emotional abuse. These youths have found the transition to "the outside" a "jarring, confusing, and lonely experience" (Armstrong 2005: A7). Most have limited education and employment skills. Some of these young men have left their communities, because they do not want to participate in plural marriages, but as discussed below, in the United States it is clear that large numbers of adolescent and young males are being forced to leave Fundamentalist Mormon communities to ensure that it will be possible for the "chosen" men to have multiple wives.

Members of the Fundamentalist Mormon community in Bountiful have long been reluctant to speak to the media, but in April 2005 there was a dramatic change, perhaps reflecting a split in the leadership of the community or a belief that changing Canadian laws and attitudes toward same-sex marriage may presage changes in attitudes toward polygamy. On April 19, 2005, a group called the Bountiful Women's Society hosted a "Polygamy Summit," inviting the media and members of the public to a public meeting where they defended polygamy as a "freely chosen lifestyle" (Hutchison 2005: A3). They listed such benefits as the pooling of resources and sharing of housework, as well as the opportunity to marry a man who had "proven" himself. They also denied reports that women are forced to marry against their will or that adolescents were being pressured to marry. One woman, who identified herself as Leah Barlow, a registered nurse and midwife, was quoted as saying: "We are women that have chosen the Bountiful lifestyle. We love it and we believe in it. We know better than any of you what our culture is like. It's not for everyone, but for us it's the right choice and we wouldn't change it for anything in the world" (Montreal Gazette 2005: A10).

Three women from Bountiful also appeared on "Dr. Phil" on May 24, 2005. One of them, "Ruth," stated that she was in a polygamous marriage, with her husband having more than 12 wives. She observed:

I have a great deal of love and respect for my husband. But I feel free to make my own choices.... I feel like polygamy should be decriminalized. I don't necessarily think it should be legalized, but I think it should be decriminalized. And the reason is polygamy does not equal abuse. We have a lot of functional families that are raising their children with choice. We don't deserve that stigma.

Another woman on the show, "Julia," commented on growing up in a polygamous family: "I love my family. I had five mothers and it was great. I enjoyed my childhood. I call them all ‘mother,' but I have a special affection for my [biological] mother."

It is impossible to know if those women interviewed in the media and on talk shows are representative of their community, or whether they have been pressured into making positive statements. Other women interviewed in the media who have left the Bountiful community describe abusive and unhappy marriages, and being coerced into marriage, sometimes at a relatively young age. Although media reports and television shows on polygamy in Canada have been frequent in recent years, these provide only limited, superficial information. However, two non-media sources provide significant, detailed information about the practice of polygamy in the Fundamentalist Mormon community in Canada: the 1993 report by the Committee on Polygamous Issues (1993) and Peters' (1994) graduate thesis.

The 1993 Committee on Polygamous Issues examined issues surrounding the community of Bountiful, British Columbia. The Committee consisted of social service professionals in the area and former members of the community. The report produced by this Committee describes the history and religious beliefs of the community, as well as the effects of polygamy on women and children. According to the Committee, for women, the structure and ideology of a Fundamentalist Mormon community in itself is extremely restricting. "Within this determinedly patriarchal community, women's access to power is limited, first by the role defined for them by the theology and second by the structure of their families" (Committee on Polygamous Issues 1993: 12). According to the Committee, the indoctrinated conformity and lack of personal empowerment for women leads to an underdeveloped sense of self, an inability to understand or exercise choice, and a blur ring of personal and collective identity. This conformity is largely a result of early religious instruction and education of children, as well as the isolation of the community: children are isolated so the education and religious teaching are not influenced by the outside world. Further, this instruction helps to establish the children's life course. Through their education and upbringing, girls are prepared to be wives and mothers, and to "be sweet," that is accepting of domination by their husbands and the church. Boys are prepared to work. The Committee also points to the academic delays experienced by many of the children. Given the focus on religious instruction in the school, children do not have the benefits of the education received by other children in Canada. Children who left Bountiful and joined the regular school system were far behind other students of the same age.

The size of polygamous families is also a significant issue. Each wife is expected to have several children, typically five to ten, and there are several wives for each husband. Although children are surrounded by many sibling role models, and may receive care from more than one maternal figure, they receive less care and attention as more children are added to the family. Both mother and father become less available, and the bonds between parent and child weaken. In some cases, all the wives and children live in a single residence, but it is not uncommon for wives who are less favoured to reside with their children in smaller, less adequate buildings near the husband's main home. The size of the family ultimately affects economic opportunities: the more wives and children, the fewer resources available for each family member.

The preservation and continuation of the Fundamentalist Mormon community is a theme in the Committee's report. As identified by Egan (1999), limiting contact with the broader society and secrecy play a large role in Fundamentalist Mormon polygamous families and communities. This secrecy was addressed by Peters (1994) in a rare participant observation thesis study of Fundamentalist Mormon life in Canada. Both women and children are taught to avoid contact and communication with individuals outside the community. Peters (1994: 10) concluded that this secrecy, as well as the "deceptively idyllic accounts" provided by group members throughout the course of her research, prevented her from gaining a credible understanding of the community. Secrecy, according to Peters, plays a dichotomous role in preserving the sanctity of the leadership and community. Leaders withhold information about the community from the outside world to avoid investigations by the authorities and stigma. This lack of contact, however, has, to a certain extent, contributed to sensationalist media reporting. As Peters (1994: 42) identified, media headlines express a "general concern with power, secrecy, and sex," as opposed to a genuine interest in understanding the community. At the same time as restricting contact from the outside world, leaders withhold information from members of their communities about the outside world to shelter them from ideas that might upset relationships within the group; this also helps them maintain their power and control. Consequently, members have become very dependent on their leaders, which Peters (1994: 40) argued may result in an abuse of power: "Having ultimate power, some Fundamentalist leaders exploited their devotees unwittingly or wittingly in order to obtain sexual, material, and/or ego gratification."

What is apparent in both Peters' research and in the report by the Committee on Polygamous Issues is that the polygamous community has a lifestyle that constitutes a unique culture, one that has been subjected to only limited research. Given the limited literature on Canadian polygamy, a better understanding of polygamy can be gained by considering research and media reports from other countries.

United States - Fundamentalist Mormons

The literature available on polygamy in the United States is perhaps most relevant to the Canadian context, given similar social, economic and political conditions in both countries, and the fact that the largest polygamous groups in both countries are Fundamentalist Mormons. Although the body of social research on American polygamy is also limited (again due to difficulty in accessing the population), parallels to the previously discussed issues in Canada are evident.

The social science literature focussing on the experiences of women in American Fundamentalist Mormon polygamous communities primarily deals with the tension and stress inherent in polygamous unions. Recent research has addressed the conflict between the dyadic relationship of husband and wife and the plural relationships of a polygamous family (Altman 1993; Altman and Ginat 1996). The attributes of Fundamentalist Mormon families (i.e., patriarchal structure, devaluing of emotionality for men, procreation as a primary goal of marital unions, and the obligation of women to be obedient and preserve familial harmony) undermine the dyadic spousal relationship. Women often expect to have an emotional bond to their husband, but the reality of their marriage is quite different, particularly when new wives join the family (Jankowiak and Diderich 2000). While measures are taken to preserve family harmony (i.e., asking permission of previous wives, collectively choosing new wife, etc.), the addition of a new sister wife is often accompanied by feelings of disapproval, neglect, betrayal and loneliness by senior wives. Their disapproval, however, is often overshadowed by expectations for positive behaviour (i.e., co-operation, obedience) (Altman and Ginat 1996; Altman 1993). Further, despite receiving more attention, new wives may be envious of the already established relationships between senior wives and the husband, and may be uncomfortable with living in the home established by the senior wives. Thus, a new addition to the plural marriage can be very stressful for all involved; however, as Altman (1993) identified, some plural families develop strategies that can minimize this tension and which, in some cases, preserve functional family harmony.

Children of Fundamentalist Mormon families experience the effects of internal and external conflicts inherent in their communities. As identified by Altman (1993), children are taught the religious importance of plural marriage and familial solidarity in their families, community and school, but concurrently receive contradictory messages about "monogamous values" from the media and nearby "outside" communities. Further, Jankowiak and Diderich's (2000) research revealed that although there is normative (ideological) support for family solidarity, children still emotionally and cognitively associate more closely with the other children of their biological mothers. Mothers also tend to favour their own children, despite the tenet that they take responsibility for all. These elements combine to "undermine the principle of sibling solidarity and thus the ability to sustain the plural family" (Jankowiak and Diderich 2000: 135). Further, the discouragement of emotionality of men, combined with the large number of children in plural families, results in weak bonds between fathers and children. Thus, despite religious doctrine asserting the value of children maintaining loyalty to their father, emotional ties of children to their fathers are often weak (Altman and Ginat 1996). This family dynamic has the potential to produce confusion in children, who struggle to reconcile their religious instruction with the reality of their home life.

Research also points to the socio-economic demands of the plural family and the resultant financial difficulties experienced. Specifically, Altman (1993) pointed to the large number of children, few high-paying occupations available in the community, and the lack of education of adults as contributing to poverty. Further, in most Fundamentalist Mormon communities in Canada and the United States, families are expected to contribute to the United Effort Plan (UEP), an association established to conduct the business and control the property of the Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (Committee on Polygamous Issues 1993). These donations diminish the resources available to support the family, and result in community leaders having control over much of the property and business in their communities.

United States - Muslim

While polygamy is most common among Fundamentalist Mormons, there are also some Muslim polygamists in the United States. However, the actual incidence of these families is undetermined, and there is very little available literature on Muslim polygamists in North America. Hassouneh-Phillips' (2001) research provides a rare glimpse into American Muslim polygamy. As part of a larger study of spousal abuse in American Muslim families, she interviewed Muslim women in the United States who had experienced abuse, or knew a family member or friend who had been abused. Most of the women who had experience with polygamy reported that they or their mothers entered polygamous marriages unwillingly, some likening it to "legalized adultery" (Hassouneh-Phillips 2001: 740). The arrival of new wives in the family was described by the women as a traumatic experience for the senior wives and their children. The issue of inequitable treatment of wives by their husbands was a major concern. Women looked to their husbands to be fair and supportive, and to maintain healthy relations between wives, as required by the Koran, but in actuality the husbands treated the wives unequally, and often abusively. However, despite their discomfort and feelings of disempowerment, these women adhered to the cultural value of preserving the family unit (as is the case for Fundamentalist Mormon wives) to avoid shame and embarrassment. Hassouneh-Phillips' research ultimately suggests that although these women did not perceive polygamy itself to be abusive (especially given its religious justification), they believe that their experiences were a misuse of it.

Polygamy Research Outside of North America

A majority of the social science research on the effects of polygamous marriage on women and children has been conducted in countries outside North America. As identified by Elbedour et al. (2002), polygamous marriage continues to be widely practised in the Middle East and Africa, despite the growing international rejection of its practice. Studies on Arab populations in Israel and African polygamy comprise a majority of those found in the literature.

Middle-East (Bedouin Arabs in Israel)

Polygamy is a relatively common practice among the Bedouin Arabs of the Middle East, despite a decline in polygamy worldwide. Polygamy is practised as a result of the Koran's provision that a man may marry up to four wives, provided he has the resources to do so. Exchange marriages are also a common occurrence; traditionally, two males may marry each other's sisters, then if one takes another wife in the future, the other feels pressure to do so as well. The literature indicates that, in some cases, Bedouin Arab polygamous families are able to develop relationships that minimize conflict and tension among wives and stepchildren (Al-Krenawi and Graham 1999). Further, Bedouin-Arab women have reported benefits to plural marriage, such as "sharing household workload, site companionship and socializing with other women, greater autonomy because other wives will take care of the children, and other responsibilities" (Elbedour et al. 2002: 262). However, most research indicates that the family itself is a site of oppression for Middle Eastern women, despite their social status being based on it (Al-Krenawi and Graham 1999).

Bedouin-Arab social structure is highly patriarchal, with men having authority in all facets of the family and women expected to be self-sacrificing, to maintain sexual integrity and bear many children, especially boys (Al-Krenawi et al. 2001, 1997). Consequently, women's status is based on marriage and having children, as well as their adherence to expectations of behaviour. A husband's first marriage in this culture is often arranged, with subsequent marriages more likely to be based on love and choice. Therefore, being a second wife often results in a better outcome than being a first wife. Studies indicate that first wives in Bedouin-Arab society tend to experience the worst effects of plural marriage; preferential treatment, economically and emotionally, is often given to the younger, junior wives (Al-Krenawi and Graham 1999; Al-Krenawi 2001). As a result, there is often much tension and competition between wives, an element that is common to most polygamous family structures. Mental health problems are common among Bedouin-Arab women in plural marriages, particularly for those women whose union was arranged, women who bear more daughters than sons, and women who are senior wives. Research indicates that low self-esteem, depression, nervousness and somatic symptoms are especially common, particularly among senior wives (Al-Krenawi 1999, 2001; Al-Krenawi et al. 1997, 2001; Elbedour et al. 2002). Consequently, Bedouin-Arab women in plural marriages are more likely to become psychiatric patients (Chaleby 1985, 1987).

Preferential treatment is often manifested in the unequal distribution of resources to wives and their children, particularly senior wives. Demographically, research suggests there is a negative relationship between polygamy and socio-economic status, which is contrary to the Koran's provisions that polygamy is only to be practised if the husband can properly support all wives and their children (Elbedour et al. 2002; Al-Krenawi 2001). Further, while the Koran stipulates that men may only marry up to four wives, it is not uncommon for men to have more. As a consequence, these growing families often strain the father/husband's resources to the point where wives and children (especially less favoured ones) live in poverty (Al-Krenawi and Graham 1999; Al-Krenawi et al. 1997, 2001).

As compared to research in other countries, there is a wealth of literature from Israel on the experiences of children in polygamous Muslim families. There is evidence that polygamous families can have positive benefits for children, including the presence of many role models, greater abundance of affection (benefiting mental health) and more parental attention (from many mothers) (Elbedour et al. 2002). However, there is a greater indication in the literature that the harmful effects of polygamous marriages on mothers, and the pressures of the polygamous family in general, have more negative effects than positive effects on children. For example, studies reveal that their mother's mental health and the degree of tension among wives is associated with behavioural, psychological, interpersonal, academic and adjustment problems in children (Al-Krenawi 2001; Al-Krenawi et al. 2001). Researchers (Al-Krenawi et al. 2002; Al-Krenawi and Lightman 2000) hypothesized that the addition of new wives and children causes a major systemic disruption in the family, providing less stability for children of senior wives, reducing their self-confidence and security, and causing increased anxiety. Furthermore, the addition of a new wife and children to the family produces distance between the children of the senior wives and their father, to the point where children may not recognize him at all (Elbedour et al. 2002; Lev-Wiesel and Al-Krenawi 2000).

This distance between father and child may be one factor that contributes to children and adolescents from polygamous families appearing to have a greater tendency to experience mental health difficulties than children from monogamous families. Al-Krenawi and Graham (1999), and Al-Krenawi et al. (1997) suggested that children's (particularly children of senior wives) psychological needs are often neglected in polygamous families, largely due to the poor relationship between children and their father. For adolescents, research suggests that those raised in polygamous families are more likely to demonstrate high levels of interpersonal sensitivity, depression, and paranoid ideation, as well as more problematic family functioning (Al-Krenawi et al. 2002). Physical abuse is also documented as a more common problem in Bedouin-Arab polygamous families than in monogamous families (Al-Krenawi 1999; Elbedour et al. 2002). These experiences may, in part, be due to the socio-economic effects of polygamous family structure. Financial distress in the family is associated with parental intolerance (which may lead to child abuse and neglect), depression, antisocial behaviour, poor impulse control, poor academic outcomes, low self-concept and a higher incidence of health problems (Elbedour et al. 2002). Often children's instrumental needs (e.g., school supplies, clothing) go unmet in polygamous families (Al-Krenawi and Graham 1999; Al-Krenawi et al. 1997).

In sum, the research suggests a number of consequences for Bedouin-Arab children living in polygamous families. However, mediating factors such as poverty, family conflict, stage of development, and lack of attachment to the father may also contribute to explaining the harmful effects these children experience (Elbedour et al. 2002; Al-Krenawi et al. 2002). Further, in communities where polygamy is supported and valued, children's vulnerability to family disruption may be reduced given the collective support available (Elbedour et al. 2002).

It is important to recognize the macro-issues that may impact the experiences of women and children. The published research about Arab polygamous families has been conducted in Israel and its occupied territories. Israeli law considers polygamy illegal, yet the law is not enforced for political reasons; as Al-Krenawi and Graham (1999: 499) identified, "[t]urning a blind eye to the plight of women in polygamous marriages…reinforces the ideological construction of the polygamous family and the exploitation of women." However, as Al-Krenawi et al. (2001: 6) recognized, the degree to which a family or community adheres to traditional values is largely determinative of the quality of life of women and children in polygamous Arab families. "Familial economic, social and emotional support may be tacitly conditional on obedience to traditional norms." Thus, the degree of acceptance of socio-cultural norms may have advantages for women and children in polygamous families.

As is the case in North America, researchers indicate that more knowledge of polygamous marriage is required by practitioners to develop more inclusive and less discriminatory strategies for assisting women and children. Al-Krenawi et al. (1997) and Al-Krenawi (1999) identified culturally sensitive interventions which might help women and children by encouraging adherence to the Koran (i.e., treating wives equally, preservation of harmony, peace, well-being of family). Practitioners must understand polygamous marriage within the distinct ethno-cultural context in which it exists (Elbedour et al. 2002; Al-Krenawi et al. 2001).

Africa

Polygamy, according to Anderson (2000), is more common in Africa than anywhere else in the world today. It is a socially accepted practice among tribes and communities in a number of African countries, particularly those in the western region (Timaeus and Reynar 1998). According to Elbedour et al. (2002) and Bergstrom (1994), in some parts of Africa an estimated 20 to 50 percent of all marriages are polygamous. Polygamy in Africa is encouraged by diverse factors, and its prevalence reflects differences in tribes and religions, as well as in economic and social structures. Many Africans in plural marriages are Muslim, but some non-Muslim men enter plural marriage for economic, status, or social reasons (Madhavan 2002; Ezra 2003; Klomegah 1997; Meekers and Franklin 1995). For women, ethnicity, location (rural vs. urban), religion, and most of all, education determine whether a woman is married polygamously: women with higher levels of education are significantly less likely to marry polygamously (Elbedour et al. 2002; Ezra 2003; Agadjanian and Ezeh 2000; Timaeus and Reynar 1998; Klomegah 1997). However, polygamy in Africa is becoming increasingly contested due to economic difficulties inherent in this type of relationship, and the increasing influence of western Christian ideology (Simmons 1999; Timaeus and Reynar 1998; Anderson 2000). Studies indicate that polygamous marriage in Africa is declining due to the increased cost of living, an increase in the education of women, and a gradual change in the status of women - to the degree that women are beginning to show resistance to polygamy (Anderson 2000; Madhavan 2002; Timaeus and Reynar 1998). Polygamy is less prevalent where there are higher levels of education and urbanization. While some groups hail the decline in the practice of polygamy, there is a conflict between the desire to protect African cultural traditions and increasing pressure to recognize women's rights (Simmons 1999; Economist 1996).

Experiences of women in African polygamous families vary with the socio-cultural features of their surrounding tribe, community or region. Most, if not all, follow a patriarchal structure; however, the degree of authority held by the husband often depends on the cultural and social expectations for his behaviour (Madhavan 2002; Agadjanian and Ezeh 2000). According to Madhavan (2002), the degree of co-operation or competition among a husband's co-wives depends on a number of factors, both internal and external to the family. Internally, families that are collectively loyal to their household, maintain a non-exploitative co-wife hierarchy, have problem-solving systems that ensure equality (e.g., rotation, incentives), and whose co-wives are close in age, are better able to preserve a positive, harmonious family setting. Gwanfogbe et al. (1997) suggested that senior wives in such co-operative situations are often more satisfied than junior wives, as they receive support and assistance for pre-existing responsibilities from the other women. The resultant benefits of polygamous unions include sharing the household workload, companionship and social contact, greater autonomy from the husband, economic gain (one wife may work in the paid labour force while others care for the children) and assistance with child rearing (Anderson 2000). Externally, highly collectivist communities stress co-operation and equality, discourage jealousy and place less value on wealth and physical beauty. These are the ones where women and children experience fewer negative effects of polygamy (Gwanfogbe et al. 1997). Further, women have a more positive experience in tribes that place a high value on maternity; women are encouraged to collaborate on bearing children and child rearing, share their knowledge, and assist one another in day-to-day activities (Madhavan 2002; Elbedour et al. 2002). Thus, the degree of harmony in African polygamous families is largely a product of the values of the family and relatedly, the tribe or community: that is, whether status is related to competition or collaboration.

Research indicates that there are communities where women have very negative experiences with polygamy, riddled with unhappiness, abuse, unequal treatment, and lack of emotional and financial resources (Meekers and Franklin 1995; Madhavan 2002; Agadjanian and Ezeh 2000). These are communities where the initial marriage is likely to have been arranged, which leaves the first wife feeling disempowered, and additional marriages may take place without consent or approval by senior wives. In areas where there is a high level of gender inequality, women tend to have very little control over reproduction, limited access to financial resources and minimal influence in the selection of their partner.

Research on the effects of polygamous families on children in Africa is not extensive. Available literature indicates a predominantly negative impact. Owuamanam's (1984) study of Nigerian adolescent self-concept indicated that polygamy adversely affects adolescent self-concept despite having a larger extended family. Father-child interaction is often inadequate in polygamous homes, leading to a lack of identity with significant others and diminished self-concept. Further, lowered self-concept may be related to competition among half-siblings, who must vie for a place in the family; in contrast, children of monogamous homes each inherit a special place. Owuamanam argued that as a result of there being fewer children requiring attention, monogamous homes provide more intimate contact with significant others than in polygamous homes, despite being smaller in size. In terms of effects on academic achievement, Cherian (1990) found that mean achievement scores were significantly lower for children of polygamous versus monogamous families, speculating that the conflict, anxiety and stress resulting from co-wife and step-sibling rivalry impedes academic progress. Further, children have less contact with their father, and consequently, less security. Despite these negative findings, it must be noted that the available literature is limited to certain groups and countries; outcomes likely vary in different African cultural environments.

France

Recent research on polygamy in France, specifically on the experiences of African (Malian) immigrants, raises the issue of the conflict of immigrant laws and customs with those of the dominant Western society, an issue also raised by Muslim immigration to Canada. Sargent and Cordell (2002) examined this conflict in the French context, noting the difficulties Malian women and children in polygamous unions experience in France; household incomes are low and co-wives, who typically had separate dwellings in their country of origin, are forced to live together in cramped quarters. There is often considerable conflict between co-wives. With the need for monetary income once living in France, wives in polygamous marriages may enter the paid work force for the first time. While these women generally have unskilled work (e.g., as cleaners), this change in roles for women decreases the power and authority of the husband in the family. Further, contact with social services in France provides women with information concerning fertility and birth control, information that was not made available in Africa due to the cultural value placed on fertility.

The conditions of polygamy in France result in considerable feelings of discontent among immigrant women. With research suggesting that as many as 75 percent of Malians in France were practising polygamy, the French government felt obliged to address the issue (Sargent and Cordell 2002). Before 1993, men who had entered into a polygamous union in their country of origin could bring all their children and their first wife into France; further, multiple wives could immigrate to be reunified with husbands and children legally in France, citing polygamy as their marital status. However, in 1993 legislation was changed to prohibit reunification of husbands and plural wives in polygamous marriages. As Sargent and Cordell (2002: 1964) identified, "the conjuncture of increasingly restrictive immigration policies, an implicit French policy of encouraging contraceptive use among immigrants, continued pronatalism among Malian men, and tensions surrounding polygamy has generated a crisis in the area of reproduction." Malian immigrant women in polygamous unions living in poverty themselves resist having more children, an act of resistance to traditional Malian customs, but in support of France's policies.

Conclusion: General Themes and Issues

For North America in particular, research on polygamous families is limited, at least in part due to the difficulty in accessing this population. The secrecy of these communities is identified by both Canadian and American researchers on polygamy as a major problem in doing research (Jankowiak and Diderich 2000; Peters 1994), making it difficult to contact and gain reliable information from community members. However, recent international literature reveals that although polygamy exists in unique socio-cultural contexts in various parts of the world, there are common themes.

One theme is that relationships between husbands and wives are defined by the difficulties inherent in plural marriage by patriarchal norms. Polygamy is practised among groups that have strongly patriarchal values, and may not believe in gender equality. While competition between wives for economic benefits, status and affection is at the root of many of the problems that exist in polygamous marriages, the subordination of women also defines the relationship between the husband and each wife (Altman 1993; Elbedour et al. 2002; Al-Krenawi and Graham 1999; Agadjanian and Ezeh 2000). Even in cultures where conflict among wives and children is limited and polygamy is strongly encouraged by the community, unequal treatment of wives, mistreatment of women and jealousy are consistently identified as the difficulties experienced in polygamous families (Madhavan 2002; Altman and Ginat 1996).

Research across cultures consistently reveals that women in polygamous families experience greater emotional and mental health difficulties than women in monogamous relations, while the children of polygamous families are more likely to have limited educational achievement and experience emotional difficulties (Committee on Polygamous Issues 1993; Al-Krenawi 2001; Al-Krenawi and Lightman 2000; Al-Krenawi and Graham 1999; Al-Krenawi et al. 1997). However, the effects of polygamy are mediated by such factors as socio-economic status, level of education, community support, cultural acceptance, size of the family, co-wife co-operation and conflict resolution mechanisms (Elbedour et al. 2002; Al-Krenawi et al. 2002; Madhavan 2002; Gwanfogbe et al. 1997).

There is also consensus internationally that teachers, social workers and community organizations require increased awareness of the needs and experiences of women and children living in polygamous families (Al-Krenawi et al. 2002; Elbedour 2002). An appreciation of the stigma that members of plural families face in the broader community is also necessary. The members of polygamous families often experience rejection and ridicule from the wider community, which is a source of stress and discomfort. As Altman and Ginat (1996: 438) identified, members of these communities often feel "isolated, rejected, misunderstood, and even threatened" by society, thereby contributing to the secrecy and protectionism that pervades polygamous communities, particularly in North America. Members of polygamous families in North America must constantly negotiate the demands of their immediate family unit and their religious community against the pressures from the broader society which rejects their way of life.

While there are clear trends in the research on polygamy, further research on the effects of plural marriage on women and children is vital to both understanding and assisting individuals in such groups, particularly in North America. How do women and children in Canada experience polygamy? What do men in these communities feel about these relationships, both those who stay and those who are forced to leave? What do members and ex-members of these communities think should be done to help individuals in these communities, especially women and children?