THE POLITICS OF BELONGING
![Bruce Stokes](volume_images/brucestokes-self.jpg)
by
BRUCE STOKES
_____________________________________________________________
Bruce
Stokes is the director of global economic attitudes at the Pew
Research Center. This article is an excerpt from the Pew Research
Center report “What It Takes to Truly Be ‘One of Us.”
The tide
of people moving across the world as immigrants or refugees has
sparked concern in the developed world – from the United
States to Europe to Australia. In particular, the ethnic, linguistic
and cultural background of the many seeking asylum or economic
opportunity has triggered debates, especially in rich countries,
over the benefits and the costs of growing diversity at home.
Unease
over the cultural, not only economic and security, ramifications
of immigration has been a key factor in the United Kingdom’s
Brexit vote, plans for a wall along the US-Mexican border and
the rise of right-wing populist parties in Europe.
“Being
one of us” has become highly politicized. National identity
– what it means to be truly American, German, Japanese or
citizen of any other nation – varies sharply among nations,
political parties and generations, suggests the Pew Research Center
as part of its Global Attitudes cross-national studies. Against
the backdrop of sometimes intense nationalist rhetoric, it might
be assumed that many in developed countries link national identity
with one’s place of birth. At a time when the number of
people living outside their places of birth has reached more than
200 million – size of a populous country like Brazil –
the issue of identity is sparking acute political debate.
A Pew
Research Center survey finds that people generally place a relatively
low premium on a person’s birthplace: Only 13 percent of
Australians, 21 percent of Canadians, 32 percent of Americans
and a median of 33 percent of Europeans suggest that it is very
important for a person to be born in their country in order to
be considered a true national.
There
are exceptions – Hungary, 52 percent; Greece, 50 percent;
and Japan, 50 percent – where about half the public considers
birthplace to be very important. But in other nations –
countries where there have been visible backlashes against refugees
including Germany, 13 percent; Australia, 13 percent; and Sweden,
8 percent – few people make a strong connection between
the locale of one’s birth and national identity.
While
many in the countries surveyed are open to those born elsewhere
being part of “the nation,” acceptance comes with
certain requisites. Majorities in every country surveyed say it
is very important to speak the dominant language to be considered
a true national. This includes a median of 77 percent across Europe
and strong majorities in Japan and the US, 70 percent; Australia,
69 percent; and Canada, 59 percent.
In addition,
sharing national customs and traditions is very important to many
people’s sense of “being one of us.” Roughly
half or more link adoption of local culture to national identity
in Canada, 54 percent; Australia, 50 percent; and Europe, a median
of 48 percent. Somewhat fewer Americans, 45 percent, and Japanese,
43 percent, say cultural traditions are essential to being a true
national.
Even within developed countries, views on national identity differ,
often along partisan or ideological lines.
In the
United States, 83 percent of Republicans say language proficiency
is a very important requisite for being truly American. Fewer
Democrats, 61 percent, agree. Among Republicans, 60 percent say
that, to be considered a true American, it is very important that
a person share US culture. Only 38 percent of Democrats share
that opinion.
Notably,
there is not much partisan difference about the link between the
land of one’s birth and US national identity. Roughly a
third of Republicans, 35 percent, and Democrats, 32 percent, say
being born in the United States is very important.
Views
of what constitutes national identity also divide publics along
party lines in some European countries. In the United Kingdom,
73 percent of those who have a favourable opinion of the right-wing
UK Independence Party, UKIP, say adhering to British culture is
very important to being British. Just 44 percent of those who
have an unfavourable view of UKIP agree. In France, sharing French
customs and traditions is tied to national identity for those
who have a favourable view of the right-wing, populist National
Front – 65 percent say it is very important. Just 39 percent
of those who hold an unfavourable opinion of the National Front
strongly link culture to being truly French. There is a similar
24-percentage-point difference on the importance of Swedish customs
and traditions between sympathizers with the right-wing, populist
Swedish Democrats and those who see them unfavourably. And in
Germany, a 22-point gap exists on the importance of culture between
those who favour the Alternative for Germany party and those who
don’t.
Ability
to communicate: There's wide agreement in response to Pew Research
surveys that ability to speak the national language is very important"
to belonging to a nation; Canadians were asked about either English
or French.
In Australia,
supporters of the center-right Liberal Party and center-left Labour
Party, 79 and 68 percent, respectively, say it is very important
to speak English to be considered Australian. Only a third of
the left-leaning environmentally oriented Greens agree. There
is even greater partisan disparity on the importance of customs
and tradition. Among Liberal Party followers, 63 percent suggest
that adherence to Australian customs and traditions is very important
to national identity while 44 percent of Labour Party supporters
concur. Even fewer Greens agree at 15 percent.
In Canada,
while majorities across all major parties say it is very important
to speak either French or English, this sentiment is held most
strongly by those supporting the center-right Conservative Party
of Canada, 68 percent, followed by those backing the center-left
Liberal Party, 59 percent, and those supporting the social-democratic
New Democratic Party, 53 percent. More than six in 10 Conservatives,
or 63 percent, suggest that a person must share Canadian customs
and traditions to be truly Canadian. Fully 57 percent of Liberals
agree, but only 46 percent of New Democrats share this view.
Sentiment
regarding what defines national identity is also a generational
issue, with the young placing far less emphasis than the old on
culture and birthplace.
In the
United States, 40 percent of people ages 50 and older percent
are more likely than those ages 18 to 34, at 21 percent, to say
it is very important that a person be born in the country to be
considered truly American. In Japan, the generational divide is
more pronounced: Older Japanese are more likely than their younger
counterparts to link national identity to birthplace by a 59 percent
to 29 percent margin. Generational differences, though generally
more modest, are also evident in Australia and Canada, 15 percentage
points each, and across most European countries surveyed.
Across
the countries surveyed, the generations differ even more sharply
over the importance of national customs and traditions. In the
United States, 55 percent of people ages 50 and older percent
are far more likely than those ages 18 to 34 – at 28 percent
– to say sharing such cultural elements is very important
to being truly American. There is a similar 20-percentage-point
generation gap in Canada, Australia and Japan. In Europe, a median
of 37 percent of 18- to 34-year-olds suggest this aspect of national
identity is very important, compared with 56 percent of those
ages 50 and older.
At a
time when economically developed countries are challenged by increased
refugee and migrant flows – and fierce debates over immigration
– relatively few survey respondents subscribe to birthright
definitions of national belonging. This may be a hopeful sign
for those seeking asylum or economic opportunity in a new country,
as it’s possible to change how one speaks and acts, but
not where one was born.
Copyright
© 2017 YaleGlobal and the MacMillan Center