Comparative cognition, or the scientific study of how
animals “think,” is rapidly becoming a scientific subfield
of its own within Biology and Psychology. Scientists are
becoming seriously concerned about cognitive processes
in non-human animals. The study of cognition in animals
has a long history beginning within the later nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries with Darwin, Romanes, and Lloyd
Morgan, and reaching our contemporaries (Balda, Pepperberg,
& Kamil, 1998; Bekoff, Allen, & Burghardt, 2002;
Blumberg & Wasserman, 1995; Griffin, 2001; Hauser, 2000;
Shettleworth, 1998; Wasserman, 1993). A major thrust behind
the interest in the study of intelligence in animals is the
search for cognitive processes in the animal mind. Such an
approach was initiated by the publication of the landmark
volume, Cognitive Processes in Animal Behavior (Hulse,
Fowler, & Honig,1978), and critically acclaimed books The
Question of Animal Awareness, Animal Thinking, and Animal
Minds (Griffin, 1976; 1984; 2001). Recent interest in
understanding the minds of animals has shown a steady increase
in articles appearing in journals such as Animal Cognition,
Journal of Comparative Psychology and Journal of
Experimental Psychology: Animal Behavior Processes, and
an explosive growth in papers read at the annual meeting of
the Comparative Cognition Society, now at 148 papers in
2005, up from 30 or so in 1993. A Google search on “comparative
cognition” turned up over 10,000 hits.
As with any developing scientific field, identifying and
specifying the concepts that are important for the study, and
their relations to one another, can be a major problem. In a
recent review, Boysen and Himes (1999) stress that future
research be conducted on conceptualization in non-human
species, and that it should focus on imitation, tool use, mirror
self-recognition and attribution of mental states. The use of
terms for these concepts with different meanings from article
to article causes difficulty in communication with readers
and between scientists. For example, the term “cognitive”
can be found used with a variety of different meanings in the
various papers contained in a single anthology (Bekoff et al.,
2002). Commonly accepted definitions, hopefully operational,
are needed. Together, these accepted concepts and their
relations would form a framework within which to study the
subject, thereby creating an ontology of terms. We use the
term ontology as a set of concept definitions with relations
between them, specifying conceptualization within a system
or discipline. This use of “ontology” is consistent with that
used by computer scientists, but different from the meaning
common among philosophers.
In the case of comparative cognition, one might hope to
import such an ontology from the study of human cognition, modifying it as needed. This approach, though a useful one,
doesn’t solve the problem, because the issues of terms used
with different meanings hasn’t yet been fully settled within
the study of human cognition, itself a relatively young field
(Eschenbach, Habel, Heydrich, & Rieser, 2003). Thus, in
this paper we introduce a trial framework of concepts and
their relations, an ontology, for the study of how animals
may think. We hope that this paper will stimulate discussion
leading to a more standard ontology of terms and important
concepts for comparative cognition. We intend to err on the
side of inclusivity, introducing more concepts and relations
than are likely to survive a shakeout. We are seeking to provide
a model and an ontology that revitalizes our approach
to understanding how animal minds may work.
One might view the model we describe below, and its ontology,
as a kind of more detailed scientific paradigm in the
sense of Kuhn (1970), or as a more detailed central core of
a research program in the sense of Lakotos (1974). Taking
the latter view, we hope that our model and ontology will
provide a central core by providing “definitions and assumptions
that coherently map out directions for research” (Kamil,
1998).
The framework of the model and the ontology that we introduce
is based on the IDA (Intelligent Distribution Agent)
model of cognition (Baars & Franklin, 2003; Franklin,
2001b; Franklin, 2005a; Franklin, Baars, Ramamurthy, &
Ventura, 2005), a computational and conceptual model derived
from a working software agent (Franklin, 2001a) that
assigns new jobs to sailors at the end of their tour of duty
(see below). The IDA model is a kind of “cognitive theory
of everything,” including perception, feelings and emotions,
various kinds of memory, consciousness (attention), several
kinds of learning, action selection, automization, deliberation,
volition, metacognition, etc.
In the section that follows we introduce the proposed
framework piece by piece, based on functional needs of animals
(and other agents). Wherever possible, we will refer
the reader to the existing scientific literature on human and
animal cognition concerning the concept at hand. For the
convenience of the reader, each newly introduced term in the
proposed ontology will be highlighted and included in an appended
glossary. The glossary will also contain needed technical
terms (un-highlighted) that are not part of the ontology.
Later sections will describe the IDA model and its cognitive
cycle, while carrying along an example scenario. We’ll
close with a brief discussion of the strengths and weaknesses
of the IDA model and our derived ontology.
Agents, Animals & Cognitive Functionality Agents, Action Selection and Cognition
An autonomous agent (Franklin & Graesser, 1997) is a system situated in, and part of, an environment, which senses
that environment, and acts on it, over time, in pursuit of
its own agenda. Biological examples of autonomous agents
include humans and other animals. Non-biological examples
include some mobile robots, and various computational
agents, including artificial life agents (Langston, 1989),
software agents (Franklin & Graesser, 1997) and many
computer viruses. We’ll often use “agent” as an abbreviation
for “autonomous agent.” In biological agents, the agenda
arises from evolved drives and their associated goals; in artificial
agents, the agenda arises from drives and goals built
in by their designers. Such drives, like the drive to mate in
rodents, act as motive generators (Sloman, 1987), and must
be present, whether explicitly represented, expressed causally,
or implemented by feelings and emotions as in humans
and other animals (Franklin & McCauley, 2004; Panksepp,
1998). Every autonomous agent also acts in such a way as
to possibly influence what it senses at a later time. In other
words, it is structurally coupled to its environment (Maturana,
1975; Maturana, & Varela, 1980). We’ll be concerned
with animals, including humans, thought of as autonomous
agents, situated in their environments, sensing their environments
and acting on their environments (Figure 1).
Figure 1. Every autonomous agent continually and, cyclically,
senses its environment and acts upon it in pursuit of
its goals. |
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Figure 2. Cognition—the endless cycle of selecting what to
do next. |
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Every autonomous agent, including humans and other
animals, spends it waking life in the moment-to-moment
responding to the only question there is: “What shall I do
next?” (See the Action Selection Paradigm in Franklin,
1995) Thus, this deciding what to do next constitutes the
major activity of any agent between each sensing of its environment
(sniff, glance, etc.) and the agent’s next action upon
it. Freeman (1999) refers to this process as the forming of
intentions. Note that most of these actions in animals consist
of directing sense organs via a sniff, a saccade of the eyes, a
perk or directing of an ear, a turning of the head, a sound production
for echolocation, etc. Using the term in an unusually
broad sense, we shall refer to this entire, cyclic, often complex,
process of choosing what to do next based on sensing
the current environment and upon current goals as cognition
(Figure 2). This is a broader than usual use of the term since
psychologists often exclude perceptions and emotions from
cognition (Dalgleish & Power, 1999). For example, Pylyshyn
(1999) describes a controversy over the relationship of
visual perception and cognition, using the narrower concept
of cognition.
In the following sections we will partition cognition into
interacting functional modules, gradually building an ontology
for the scientific study of comparative cognition.
Perception
Current scientific literature mostly discusses perception
from the point of view of psychophysics (Hirsh,1996) or
neurobiology (Lu & Sperlin, 2001). Here we take a different
point of view. Not only must every animal (autonomous
agent) sense its environment, it must “make sense” of what
it senses. We will refer to this process of assigning meaning
to incoming sensory data as perception. Perception certainly
depends upon the sensitivity of the agent’s sensory apparatus
to sensory input, but is also a productive function. While
light of a certain wavelength reflects off objects in the world,
the color red exists, if it does, only by means of the perception
of an animal (Oyama, 1985). Perception produces red.
A tree falling in the forest will produce waves in the air, but
no sound unless an animal hears it. There are molecules
of certain substances in the air, but they are not perceived
as chemical signals, unless an animal encounters them (Ferkin
& Johnston, 1995a; b; Ferkin, Lee, & Leonard, 2004a;
Ferkin, Li, & Leonard, 2004b). This is how Christof Koch
(2004a) describes the perception of color:
The much-cherished sense of color is a construct of
the nervous system computed by comparing activity in
the different cone classes. There are no “red” or “blue”
objects in the world. Light sources, such as the sun, emit
electromagnetic waves over a broad wavelength spectrum.
Surfaces reflect this radiation over a continuous
range and the brightness incident to the eyes is continuous
as well. Nevertheless, all of us persist in labeling
objects as read, blue, violet, purple, magenta, and so on.
Color is not a direct physical quantity, as is depth or
wavelength, but a synthetic one. Different species have
fewer or more cone types, and therefore experience quite
different colors for the same objects. For example, some
shrimp have eleven cone classes. Their world must be a
riot of colors! (Koch, 2004, page 52.)
Perception can be bottom-up, that is, occurring during a
single sense –> cognize –> act cycle, or top-down, that is
requiring multiple cycles. Top-down perception may utilize
new sensory data provided as a result of an action, for example
the turning of the head. It may be helped by input from various forms of memory (see below).
Figure 3. Perception—Assigning meaning to sensory data. |
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Perception assigns meaning to sense data, that is, it interprets
the data so as to make it useful to the animal (Glenberg,
1997). This interpretation may include the identification of
individual objects, including other animals, or categorization
of objects, or relations between them, etc. The meaning
assigned to the sense data of a particular cognitive cycle is
the percept of that cycle (Figure 3). A collection of sensory
features arising from a large fanged animal may be identified
as an object. This object may be categorized as a predator.
Both the identification and the categorization might be parts
of the meaning assigned, that is, part of the percept. Since
much of the sense data of animals, and some artificial agents,
is irrelevant to the needs of the animal, perception often acts
also as a filter, with only relevant portions of the meaning
becoming part of the percept.
The meaning of “meaning” is itself a complex issue involving
such philosophical concerns as intentionality (e.g. Searle,
1983) and symbol grounding (e.g. Harnad,1990), as well
as neurobiological issues such as binding (e.g. Roskies,1999)
and computational issues such as representation (e.g. Davis,
Shrober, & Szolovits, 1993). A full discussion of these issues
is beyond the scope of this paper. Suffice it to say here
that we take the viewpoint of situated or embodied cognition
with respect to these issues (Anderson, 2003).
Memory
In the existing psychological and neuroscience literatures,
one of the most confusing concepts is that of memory. Memory
includes dozens of variants, many of which are not carefully
distinguished from other variants. These variants are
demarked by such adjectives as associative, autobiographical,
conceptual, declarative, episodic, exemplar, implicit,
long-term, long-term working, procedural, prospective,
recall, recognition, semantic, sensory, short-term, spatial,
working, and no doubt many others. Memory systems are
most often categorized by their duration or their function.
Attempts at explication can be found elsewhere (Franklin
et al., 2005; Schacter & Tulving, 1994). Here we must limit
ourselves to a discussion of the few of these variants that
the authors consider to be central to our ontology and to our
model.
Cognition for animals seems often to include some form(s)
of memory. Perception is a form of memory in that not only are existing meanings assigned, objects recognized and categorized,
etc., but also new meanings are created. New objects,
categories, and relationships are learned. In the psychological
literature, perception is most often not considered
as a form of memory (but see Rauchs, Desgranges, Foret, &
Eustache, 2005).
Perceptual learning seems to be ubiquitous among animals
(Papaj & Lewis, 1993). For example, meadow voles
can distinguish between unfamiliar and familiar conspecifics,
littermates and non-littermates, and between sexually
receptive and sexually quiescent opposite-sex conspecifics.
Meadow voles respond preferentially to the odors of littermates
relative to non-littermates by spending more time
investigating the odors of the former as compared to those
of the latter (Ferkin 1990; Ferkin, Tamarin, & Pugh, 1992).
Adult female voles behave amicably towards familiar females
but not towards unfamiliar females, whereas adult
male voles behave agonistically towards familiar males but
not unfamiliar males (Ferkin, 1988). Male voles over-mark
the scent marks of females in heightened sexual receptivity,
during postpartum estrous, as compared to those of females
that in other states of sexual receptivity (Ferkin et al.,
2004a; b) Depending on the social context, the perceptual
memory of voles may last several hours to several days (Ferkin,
1992). Perceptual memory can be fleeting or long-term.
For instance, a new person met briefly at a party may not be
recognized a few weeks later, while a friend from childhood
who hasn’t been seen for decades may be recognized in spite
of the changes brought by age. The intervening steps between
perception and perceptual learning, that is, the learning
mechanism, will be clarified during the discussion of the
IDA cognitive cycle below.
Many animals also learn to perform new tasks, motor behaviors,
or to improve their performance of existing behaviors.
Procedural memory stores the procedures for executing
these behaviors (Figure 4). A newborn ungulate, say a wildebeest,
on a savannah takes a few minutes to learn to stand,
walk, and run. Edelman (1987) describes an initial, primary
repertoire of such procedures (neuronal groups) with which
an animal is born, as well as a secondary, learned, repertoire
including more complex behaviors (See Figure 4).
Figure 4. Procedural Memory |
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Many, but we suspect not all, animals have some form
of episodic-like memory, that is, an associative, content-addressable,
memory for events, for the what, the where and
the when (Clayton, Busey, & Dickinson, 2003; Griffiths, Dickinson, & Clayton, 1999). Memories of events are recovered
by means of their associations with cues, the content.
(See Step 4 of the IDA cognitive cycle below.) Wishing to
avoid entanglement fruitless debates about mental images
in non-human animals, animal behavior researchers have
spoken of episodic-like memory. Episodic-like memory as a
memory about things that happened at a particular time and
place, or the “what, where, and when” (Clayton & Dickinson,
1998; Clayton, Griffiths, & Dickinson, 2001; Griffiths
et al., 1999). These memories must be based on a one-time
experience, to preclude learning or conditioning, and must
be stored in long-term memory. The most convincing studies
testing episodic-like memory in animals comes from
work on food caching in scrub jays. The major finding of
this work is that scrub jays remember not only what food
item they cashed and where, but when. Moreover, the scrub
jays adjusted their caching behavior in anticipation of future
events (Clayton & Dickinson,1998; Clayton et al., 2001;
Emery & Clayton, 2001). The researchers concluded that
episodic-like memories consist of spatio-temporal location
of food items based on a single caching experience and that
animals may recall the past and plan for the future (Clayton
et al., 2003).
Functionally, episodic and episodic-like memories are the
same, though the underlying mechanism of the former would
require consciousness (Tulving, 2001). In humans, episodic
memories are typically recalled by means of mental images,
including visual images, auditory images, olfactory images,
etc. Neural apparatus in the human perceptual systems are
reused for this purpose (Baddeley, Conway, & Aggelton,
2001; O’Craven & Kanwisher, 2000).
Figure 5. Episodic Memory |
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An example will help to distinguish episodic from perceptual
memory. The feeding behavior of rats has been studied
in an eight-arm radial arm maze (Olton & Samuelson, 1976).
With four arms baited and four not (with none restocked),
normal rats learn to recognize which arms to search (perceptual
memory). They also remember which arms they have
already fed in on this particular day (episodic memory) so as
not to search there a second time. Rats with their hippocampal
systems excised still learn to recognize the baited arms,
but cannot remember which of the baited arms they have
already fed in. They lose their episodic memory but retain
perceptual memory.
Responding to cues from perception, episodic memory
provides information from prior events to the rest of cognition.
A reuse of perception may be required to interpret the
information recalled from episodic memory (Figure 5). Episodic
memories may be transient, that is, with fairly rapid
decay, or long-term, that is, capable of holding some memories
perhaps indefinitely.
Perceptual, episodic and procedural memory, depend to
some extent, and in different ways, on association. In perceptual
memory an object is associated with its features, a
category with its members. Recall from episodic memory
is accomplished in animals (and in at least some artificial
agents) by means of associations with a cue. Improvement
of performance during procedural learning is accomplished
in animals by associating particular actions with desired results.
Thus association plays different roles in the various
memory system and their various forms of learning, and can
be expected to require distinct mechanisms.
Attention and Action Selection
Figure 6. Attention and Action Selection |
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In most, if not all, animals, the richness of sensory perception,
together with retrieved information from any episodic
memory it might have, vastly complicates the process of deciding
what to do next, that is, its action selection process.
Some means is needed for deciding what parts of this vast
array of information is currently relevant and should be attended
to when selecting the next action. A competitive attention
mechanism solves this relevance problem, providing
relevant, current information to the action selection process
(Figure 6). In bottom-up perception during a single cycle
(see page 5) perceptual activity is pre-attentive. Perception
acts as one filter, attention as a subsequent filter, both in the
same cycle. In higher-level top-down perception requiring
multiple cycles, attention during previous cycles affects current
perception. There’s a vast psychological and neuroscience
literature on attention and action selection (e.g., Perr &
Hodges, 1999; Proctor, Wang, & Vu, 2002). Below we’ll see
how the global workspace theory of consciousness and cognition
accounts for animals solving this relevance problem
(Baars, 1988; 2002).
Learning
As mentioned earlier, perceptual learning seems ubiquitous
among animals. Procedural learning, learning to perform
new tasks e.g. the standing, walking, running mentioned
above, or to improve the performance of existing
behaviors also seems widespread, at least among mammals and birds. Often called motor learning, procedural learning
has been defined as “ a set of [internal] processes associated
with practice or experience leading to relatively permanent
changes in the capability for responding” (Schmidt, 1988 p.
346).
There’s a huge psychological literature on procedural
learning, much of it concerning testing human subjects learning
such sensory-motor tasks as the pursuit rotor task under
various laboratory conditions (e.g. Wulf, Hoss, & Prinz,
2001). A typical such task is the pursuit rotor task in which
the subject learns to track a metal dot on a turntable platter
with a flexible metal rod. Such tasks have been studied in the
context of the effect of practice (Brown & Bennett, 2002),
of sleep deprivation (Smith & MacNeill, 1994) and of various
mental illnesses (e.g. van Gorp, Altshuler, Theberge,
& Mintz, 1999). Some animals also display episodic-like
learning, the encoding of events in episodic memory, or episodic-
like memory, for example, caching birds remembering
locations (Clayton & Dickinson, 1998; Clayton et al., 2001;
Griffiths et al., 1999). Amnesiac patients, such as the famous
HM, demonstrate the distinct neural mechanisms required
for episodic learning, of which they are incapable, and procedural
learning, where they perform normally (Corkin,
1968). Olton and Samuelson’s (1976) experiment with rats
searching for food in an eight armed maze demonstrates the
same distinction.
Figure 7. Perceptual, Episodic and Procedural Learning |
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Animals learn only what they attend to. Thus, short-term
primings, resulting from stimuli of which the human subject
is not conscious, constitute a trivial exception to this assertion
(Eimer & Schlagecken, 2003). Attention produces perceptual
learning, the encoding of events in episodic memory
(in some animals), and the reinforcement for procedural
learning (Figure 7). Note that reinforcement, a mechanism
for procedural learning, is always ultimately based internally
on pleasure or pain, that is, on positive or negative affect.
We now have the beginnings of a functional ontology for
the scientific study of comparative cognition; the initial steps
in that only functionality within a single cognitive cycle is
considered. But, many cognitive processes require multiple
cycles. On example of such a multi-cyclic process is social
learning via imitation, which occurs in humans and some
other animals. In the next section we’ll take up a few of these
multi-cyclic processes.
Intentions, Goals, Volition and Actions
Actions require motivation. Tautologically, without motivation
no action would be taken. We’ve previously talked
about drives as primary motivators. Goals, intentions to
restructure the environment, or an agent’s relation to it, in
particular ways, are in the service of other goals and, ultimately,
of one or more drives. Volition refers to the process
of arriving at a goal. An intention arises in an animal (agent)
when it decides to achieve a particular goal. Neuroscientist
Walter Freeman puts intentionality as the corner stone of his
system, and claims that almost all of the brain of an animal
is directly involved in arriving at any intention (Freeman,
1999). Please be aware that philosophers use the term “intentionality”
with and entirely different meaning. To them
it designates the ability to be about something, to represent
something, to stand for something (Dennett, 1987). Note that
human level consciousness is not required for intention.
Actions are undertaken in pursuit of goals and in response
to intentions. Such actions may be informationally mediated
or they may be automatized. An informationally mediated
action requires information from the environment for its
enactment. A predator’s pursuit of a prey is informationally
mediated since it must continually update its information
as to the prey’s rapidly changing location. In contrast, the
predator’s actions in running are, for the most part, automatized
in that they require only occasional information from
the environment (Mounoud, 1993).
An animal’s ongoing activity can be seen as very occasional
acts of volition (check readiness to mate) among numerous
informationally mediated actions (avoid that bush,
move behind her, sniff), interspersed with automatized actions
(walk) (turn head). Once the goal of checking readiness
to mate is chosen, ‘avoid that bush’ is selected in the service
of that goal, requiring information from the environment,
but no further act of volition. The walking is mostly automatized
with occasional sensing of the environment to avoid
unwanted collisions.
This volition/action process can occur in humans, and possibly
in other animals, at three different levels of intricacy
as described by Sloman (1999). In a deliberative process,
options may be constructed and evaluated, and plans created.
This process can be thought of as using imagination,
an internal simulation of interaction with the environment
(O’Connor &Aardema, 2005; Shanahan, 2005), in the service
of decision making, problem solving or planning. Once
again, there is a large psychological literature devoted to this
topic under various names (Busemeyer, Medin, & Hastie,
1995; Kahneman, Slovic, & Tversky, 1982). A likely animal
example of deliberation is the Portia fimbriata jumping spider
stalking its prey by making a lengthy detour around and
above the prey, and loosing sight of the prey for a significant
time period, before sighting the prey again and descending
on it from above (Wilcox & Jackson, 1998).
Almost all volition and action selection in animals, including
humans, result from reactive processes, that is processes
that are not deliberative. Note that reactive processes may
vary from quite simple, such as reflexes, to extraordinarily
complex involving sophisticated perception, memory and
action selection, such as those described in the IDA cognitive
cycle (see below). In addition, we suggest that such
deliberative processes depend on underlying reactive processes.
A third level of such processing, metacognitive processing,
is described in humans as thinking about thinking (Hacker
& Bol, 2004; O’Connor & Aardema, 2005). Sloman (1999)
refers to this term as meta-management or reflexive. Metacognition
is the term favored by psychologists. For example,
a father may metacognitively decide that in a recent interaction
with his daughter, he was too hard on her, and resolves
to be more understanding. Do metacognitive processes occur
in non-human animals? Experimental data suggests that
some non-human animals have “functional features of or
parallels to human metacognition and human conscious cognition”
(Smith & Washburn, 2005).
Intermediate Summary
In summary, we’ve described in the previous sections the
concepts (terms) in the proposed functional ontology for
comparative cognition, together with a skeletal outline of their relations and interactions, and example references to
the empirical literatures of these subjects. This provisional
ontology was derived primarily from functional consideration
based upon the definition of autonomous agent. Much
is left to do. We must:
1. Flesh out these relations and interactions between
the concepts of the ontology.
2. State as clearly as possible, hopefully testable hypotheses derived from the model.
3. Confront the problem of operational definitions for
the concepts in the ontology.
4. Based on current neuroscience knowledge, speculate on the neural underpinnings of the various
concepts in the ontology and the interacting processes.
The IDA model and its cognitive cycle, which motivated our
ontology, will help with at least tasks 1, 2, and 4 above. A superficial
account of some of the computational mechanisms
may also prove useful. In the next section we discuss the
IDA model, and its cognitive cycle, together with a minimal
computational account.
The IDA Model and its Cognitive Cycle
As discussed above, our functional ontology for comparative
cognition is based on and motivated by the IDA model
of human cognition, which we will describe in this section
along with its cognitive cycle.
IDA provides a conceptual (and computational) model of
cognition (Franklin, 2001b; 2005a) partially implemented
as a software agent (Franklin & Graesser, 1997). The IDA
model implements and fleshes out Global Workspace theory
(GWT) (Baars, 1988; 2002), which suggests that conscious
events involve widespread distribution of focal information
needed to recruit neuronal resources for problem solving.
As we’ll see in the middle steps of the cognitive cycle below,
the role of consciousness according to GWT is to select
the most relevant information in the current situation, and
to broadcast it widely within the cognitive system (brain)
in order to recruit internal resources that can make a useful
response. Those middle steps in the cognitive cycle below
describe how this is done.
The IDA implementation of GWT yields a fine-grained
functional account of the steps involved in perception, several
kinds of memory, “consciousness,” context setting, and
action selection. We make no claim of phenomenal (subjective)
consciousness for software agents, but without opposing
empirical evidence, we are not willing to reject the
view that it may be involved in some cognitive processes
for some non-human animals under particular conditions
(Franklin, 2005b; Griffin, 1976; 1984; 2001; Hauser, 2000;
Merker, 2005). We use the term “consciousness” to refer to functional consciousness, essentially the recognition of the
thinking subject of its own actions, which may or may not be
dependent on the subject’s thoughts or feelings that motivate
them. Cognitive processing in IDA consists of continually
repeated traversals through the steps of a cognitive cycle
(Baars & Franklin, 2003; Franklin et al., 2005), as justified
above (see text surrounding Figure 1.) and described below.
The IDA architecture includes modules for perception
(Zhang, Franklin, Olde, Wan, & Graesser, 1998), various
types of memory (Anwar & Franklin, 2003, Franklin et al.,
2005), “consciousness” (Bogner, Ramamurthy, & Franklin
2000), action selection (Negatu & Franklin, 2002), deliberation,
and volition (Franklin, 2000). The mechanisms of these
modules are derived from several different “new AI” sources
(Hofstadter & Mitchell, 1995; Jackson, 1987; Kanerva,
1988; Maes, 1989).
In addition to the computational model, we will also
speak of the conceptual IDA model, which includes additional
capabilities that have been designed but not implemented,
including mechanisms for feelings and emotions,
and mechanisms for perceptual and procedural learning.
The IDA conceptual model contains several different
memory systems. Perceptual memory enables identification,
recognition and categorization, including of feelings, as well
as relationships and situations. Working memory provides
preconscious buffers as a workspace for internal activities.
Please note that this usage of the term “working memory”
differs from that common in the psychological literature,
where conscious access is assumed (Baddeley, 1993), We
must deal with the preconscious buffers of working memory
due to the finer temporal grain size of the IDA cognitive
cycle (see below). Procedural memory is long-term memory
for skills.
As discussed above, episodic memory is memory for
events, the “what the where and the when.” In the IDA model,
transient episodic memory is a content-addressable associative
memory with a moderately fast decay rate (Conway,
2002; Franklin et al., 2005). It is to be distinguished from
long-term episodic memory, which is often called declarative
memory as we will below (Franklin et al., 2005). Some
events may decay rapidly from declarative memory, while
others may last a lifetime. Declarative memory is often subdivided
into autobiographical memory for complete events,
and semantic memory containing facts, for example “Paris is
the capital of France.” Semantic memory is thought to contain
events that retain their what, but have lost there where
and when. It’s not clear to what extent, if any, non-human
animals have semantic memory.
Next we describe the conceptual IDA’s cognitive cycle,
most, but not all, of which, has been implemented. In several
of the steps of the cognitive cycle we refer to codelets, which correspond to the processors of GWT. A codelet is a special
purpose, relatively independent, mini-agent typically implemented
as a small piece of code running as a separate thread
in the computational IDA. (Since a codelet is an implementational
concept in IDA, we do not include it in our ontology
for comparative cognition.) We hypothesize that cognitive
cycles occur five to ten times a second in humans, cascading
so that some of the steps in adjacent cycles occur in parallel
(Baars & Franklin, 2003; Franklin et al., 2005). Seriality
is preserved in the conscious broadcasts. We propose that
every animal lives its waking life in a continual cascade of
such cognitive cycles similar to the one we describe next,
but perhaps missing some of the steps.
In what follows we will describe each of the steps in
IDA’s cognitive cycle, stated as if applying to a human,
while also carrying along their application in the mind of
a hypothetical male vole in highlighted text. Suppose our
male vole has just turned a corner, and encountered scent
marks from many different conspecifics (Ferkin & Johnston,
1995a). Some of these scent marks are old and some are
fresh, some are overlapping and some are not. Our male is
capable of detecting these many marks, identifying the donor,
and identifying the identity of the donors that deposited
the most and the freshest marks (Ferkin, Dunsavage, &
Johnston, 1999; Ferkin, Mech, & Paz-y-Mino, 2001; Ferkin
et al., 2004a; b; Ferkin, Pierce, Sealand, & delBarco-Trillo,
2005). He then is able to distinguish between the different
scent donors and respond accordingly to the donor are of
most interest to him; this donor would likely be a sexually
receptive female with whom he would attempt to copulate
(delBarco-Trillo & Ferkin, 2004). Our vole’s discrimination
between the different scent donors would have involved perceptual
learning. Keep in mind that the cognitive cycle to
be described takes, in total, only a fifth of a second or so to
complete.
Also note that our description of the IDA cognitive cycle
will refer to mechanism details such as codelets, the slipnet
and others that are part of our IDA implementation, but are
not germane to the functional ontology we detailed above.
We include this description of the IDA cognitive cycle to
show the reader the origin of the suggested ontology, and
also as an example of how a computational model can be
built using this ontology as a framework. In the appended
glossary, such implementation mechanisms are included for
the convenience of the reader, but are not highlighted. Highlighting
is reserved for concepts that are part of the functional
ontology. For more detail on these implementation
mechanisms please consult the cited references.
The first step of the IDA cognitive cycle fleshes out the
material in the Perception section above.
1. Perception. Sensory stimuli, external or internal, are received and interpreted by perception producing meaning.
Note that this step is preconscious.
a. Early perception: Input arrives through senses. Specialized
perception codelets descend on the input.
Those that find features relevant to their specialty
activate appropriate nodes in the slipnet (a semantic
net with activation) (Franklin, 2005c).
Olfactory receptors register the scent marks of the
different voles. Perception codelets (primitive feature
detectors) note this and activate nodes in the slipnet,
that is, in perceptual memory, corresponding to the
detected odors.
b. Chunk perception: Activation passes from node to
node in the slipnet. The slipnet stabilizes, binding of
streams from different senses, and chunking bits of
meaning into larger chunks represented by meaning
nodes. These constitute the percept.
Nodes categorizing the scent marks as being from
males or females (a category), as known (an individual),
and as sexually receptive (a feature node) are
activated, perhaps among others (Ferkin and Johnston
1995a; b). During this step our vole scans its
perceptual memory and makes associations between
scent marks and scent donors, assessing the identity,
sex, and reproductive condition of the scent donors
(Ferkin et al., 1999; 2004a; b; 2005)
This perceptual memory system identifies pertinent feeling/
emotions along with objects, categories and their relations.
Feeling nodes for interest and for sexual arousal are
somewhat activated. Suppose all of these activated
nodes are over threshold and become part of the percept.
Steps 2 and 3 of the IDA cognitive cycle implement most of
the concepts discussed in the section on Memory above.
2. Percept to Preconscious Buffer. The percept, including
some of the data plus the meaning, is stored in preconscious buffers of IDA’s working memory.
In humans, these buffers may involve visuo-spatial, phonological,
and other kinds of information. Feelings/emotions
are part of the preconscious percept.
The percept here has identified the freshest scent
marks coming from a female in postpartum estrus.
These females readily mate when they encounter
males, however, they are only receptive to males
for 12 hours after they deliver pups (Ferkin et al.,
2004a).
3. Local Associations. Using the incoming percept and the
residual contents of the preconscious buffers (content from precious cycles not yet decayed away), including
emotional content, as cues, local associations are automatically
retrieved from transient episodic memory (TEM) and from declarative memory.
The contents of the preconscious buffers, together with
the retrieved local associations from TEM and declarative
memory, roughly correspond to Ericsson and Kintsch’s
(1995) long-term working memory and to Baddeley’s (2000)
episodic buffer. These local associations include records of
the agent’s past feelings/emotions, and actions, in associated
situations.
Assuming that our male vole possesses declarative
memory, the retrieved local associations may include
the memory of a previous sexual encounter with this
particular female and his reaction to it. For example,
our male vole may have a memory of this female, when
she was not in postpartum estrus, but simply pregnant
and not sexually receptive (Ferkin & Johnston, 1995a;
b), which allows our male vole to anticipate that this
female will only be in postpartum estrus for a few
hours, and then she becomes not interested in mating.
Although such expectation may come from either
perceptual memory or semantic memory, anticipating
the what (a female is highly sexually receptive for a
relatively narrow window), the when (a female may no
longer be highly sexually receptive), and the where (the
location of that female relative to other female voles in
the area), suggest that such processing may involve an
episodic–like memory.
The remaining steps of the IDA cognitive cycle flesh out
the contents of the sections above on Attention and Action
Selection, and on Learning.
4. Competition for Attention. Attention codelets view long-term
working memory, and bring relevant, important, urgent,
or insistent events to consciousness. (Consciousness
here is required only in the functional sense as defined in
Global Workspace Theory (see above) and as defined by
its role in the middle steps of this cognitive cycle.) Some
of them gather information codelets (codelets that carry
content), form coalitions and actively compete for access
to consciousness. The coalition with the highest average
activation over its codelets wins the competition.
The competition may also include such coalitions from
a recently previous cognitive cycle. Present and past feelings/
emotions influence this competition for consciousness.
Strong affective content strengthens a coalition’s chances of
being attended to (Franklin & McCauley, 2004).
An attention codelet that is on the lookout for sexual
opportunities will form a coalition with information
codelets carrying the other vole’s identity, her reproductive status and readiness to mate, some details of
the previous encounter, and the feelings associated with
the current percept and the previous encounter. This
coalition will compete with other such for “consciousness,”
but may not win the competition. Suppose our
male’s first encounter with that female’s odor indicated
that she has also attracted the attention of a predator,
(fresh weasel scent marks are present), which has also
become part of the percept, along with a strong fear. In
this case, the coalition formed by an attention codelet
on the lookout for danger may well win the competition,
and the male voles may not respond by seeking
out this female.
5. Broadcast of Conscious Contents. A coalition of codelets,
typically an attention codelet and its covey of related
information codelets carrying content, gains access to
the global workspace and has its contents broadcast to
all the other codelets in the system.
In humans, this broadcast is hypothesized to correspond
to phenomenal consciousness. The conscious broadcast contains
the entire content of consciousness including the affective
portions.
Suppose there were no predator and that the coalition
about the female vole was attended to, that is, it came
to the male vole’s “consciousness.”
Several types of learning occur. The contents of perceptual
memory are updated in light of the current contents of consciousness,
including feelings/emotions, as well as objects,
categories and relations. The stronger the affect, the stronger
the encoding is in memory.
Possibly along with others, the nodes in perceptual
memory for the particular female vole, for the category
of female voles, for readiness to mate, and for sexual
interest would each have their base-level activations
strengthened.
Transient episodic memory is also updated with the current
contents of consciousness, including feelings/emotions,
as events. The stronger the affect, the stronger would be the
encoding in memory. (At recurring times not part of a cognitive
cycle, the contents of transient episodic memory are
consolidated into long-term declarative memory.)
If our male vole possesses a transient episodic memory,
the event of having again encountered this particular
female vole, her condition, and his reaction to her
would be encoded, taking information from the “conscious”
broadcast.
Procedural memory (recent actions) is updated (reinforced)
with the strength of the reinforcement influenced by
the strength of the affect.
The prior acts of turning the corner and sniffing the encountered scent marks would be reinforced. In this
case, both acts would have been so over learned that
their base-level activations would have been saturated,
so that the reinforcement would have little or no effect.
Thus, perceptual, episodic and procedural learning occur
with the broadcast in each cycle.
6. Recruitment of Resources. Relevant behavior codelets
respond to the conscious broadcast. These are typically
codelets whose variables can be bound from information
in the conscious broadcast.
If the successful attention codelet was an expectation
codelet (see Step 9 below) calling attention to an unexpected
result from a previous action, the responding codelets may
be those that can help to rectify the unexpected situation.
Thus consciousness solves the relevancy problem in recruiting
internal resources with which to deal with the current
situation. The affective content (feelings/emotions), together
with the cognitive content, helps to attract relevant resources
(behavior codelets, processors, neural assemblies) with
which to deal with the current situation.
Possibly among others, behavior codelets for turning
the head, for turning the body, for sniffing the scent
marks and for moving in the direction that the female
vole was traveling, binding such variables as the direction
of the head and the direction of body and motion
from the information in the broadcast.
7. Setting Goal Context Hierarchy. The recruited processors
(behavior codelets) use the contents of consciousness,
including feelings/emotions, to instantiate new goal
context hierarchies, bind their variables, and increase
their activation.
Goal contexts are potential goals, each consisting of a coalition
of procedures (behavior codelets), which, together,
could accomplish the goal. Goal context hierarchies can be
thought of as high-level, partial plans of actions. It is here
that feelings and emotions most directly implement motivations
by helping to instantiate and activate goal contexts, and
by determining which terminal goal contexts receive activation.
Other, environmental, conditions determine which of
the earlier goal contexts receive additional activation.
In this case a goal context hierarchy (behavior stream)
to seek out the female vole would likely be instantiated,
activated, and some of its variables bound with
information from the broadcast.
8. Action Chosen. The behavior net chooses a single behavior
(goal context), perhaps from a just instantiated
behavior stream or possibly from a previously active
stream.
This selection is heavily influenced by activation passed to various behaviors influenced by the various feelings/emotions.
The choice is also affected by the current situation,
external and internal conditions, by the relationship between
the behaviors, and by the residual activation values of various
behaviors.
Here in our male, there may have been a previously
instantiated goal context hierarchy for avoiding the
weasel previously sensed. An appropriate behavior in
avoiding the predator may be chosen in spite of the
presence of the female vole. Alternatively, an initial
step in the behavior stream for approaching and exploring
the female vole may win out.
9. Action Taken. The execution of a behavior (goal context)
results in the behavior codelets performing their specialized
tasks, which may have external or internal consequences,
or both.
This is IDA taking an action. The acting codelets also include
at least one expectation codelet (see Step 6) whose
task it is to monitor the action and to try and bring to consciousness
any failure in the expected results.
If this particular male that has few opportunities to
copulate with a female, searching for the female would
likely have been selected, resulting in behavior codelets
acting to turn the male in the direction of the female,
to sniff, and to begin his approach. If on the other
hand, our vole has frequent opportunities to mate with
females, he may stop his search for this female when
he encounters the odor of a weasel or a male conspecific
(delBarco-Trillo & Ferkin, 2004).
Hypotheses
Although our ontology provides a conceptual framework
within which to conduct empirical research, its function is
not to suggest hypotheses. Formulating hypotheses is one of
the functions of mathematical, computational, and conceptual
models. Thus, it’s reasonable to formulate potentially testable
hypotheses, for the IDA model. By doing so, we hope
to stimulate tests of our hypotheses. Here we present a few
selected testable hypotheses that may be tested with current
technology.
1. The Cognitive Cycle: The very existence of the cognitive
cycle in various species, along with its timing
(asynchronously cascading at a rate of roughly 5-
10 Hz) is a major hypotheses. Neuroscientists have
provided suggestive evidence for this hypothesis
(Freeman, 2003; Halgren, Boujon, Clarke, Wang, &
Chauvel, 2002; Lehmann, Strik, Henggeler, Koenig, &
Koukkou, 1998).
2. Perceptual Memory: A perceptual memory, distinct
from semantic memory but storing some of the same
contents, exists in humans (Franklin et al., 2005; Nadel, 1992), and in many, perhaps most, animal species.
3. Transient Episodic Memory: Humans have a contentaddressable,
associative, transient episodic memory
with a decay rate measured in hours (Conway, 2001).
While perceptual memory seems to be almost ubiquitous
across animal species, we hypothesize that this
transient episodic memory is evolutionary older, and
occurs in many fewer species (Franklin et al., 2005).
4. Consolidation: A corollary to the previous hypothesis
says that events can only be encoded (consolidated) in
long-term declarative memory via transient episodic
memory. This issue of memory consolidation is still
controversial among both psychologists and neuroscientists
(e.g. Lisman & Fallon, 1999). However, the
IDA model advocates such consolidation.
5. Consciousness: Functional consciousness is implemented
computationally by way of a broadcast of contents
from a global workspace, which receives input
from the senses and from memory (Baars, 2002).
6. Conscious Learning: Significant learning takes place
via the interaction of functional consciousness with
the various memory systems (e.g., Baddeley, 1993;
Standing, 1973). The effect size of subliminal learning
is quite small compared to conscious learning. Note
that significant implicit learning can occur by way of
unconscious inferences based on conscious patterns
of input (Reber, Walkenfeld, & Hernstadt, 1991). All memory systems rely on
attention for their updating, either in the course of a single cycle
or over multiple cycles. (See Franklin et al., 2005 for a full
account of what the IDA model says about memory.)
7. Voluntary and Automatic Memory Retrievals: Associations
from transient episodic and declarative
memory are retrieved automatically and unconsciously
during each cognitive cycle. Voluntary retrieval from
these memory systems may occur over multiple cycles
using volitional goals.
Concluding Thoughts
The IDA model, constructed within our proposed ontology,
represents a theoretical methodology that is radically
different from those that appear in the comparative cognition
literature. Although the model is heavily based on experimental
findings in cognitive and comparative psychology and
in brain science, there is only qualitative consistency with
experiments. Rather there are a large number of hypotheses
(see the preceding section for examples) derived from an unusual
computational and conceptual model of cognition, the
IDA model. The model is unusual in two significant ways.
First, it functionally integrates a broad swath of cognitive
phenomena. Second, it does not predict numerical data from experiments but, rather, is implemented as a software agent,
IDA. The IDA model generates hypotheses about comparative
cognition by way of its design, the mechanisms of its
modules, their interaction, and its performance. All of these
hypotheses are, in principle, testable.
The complex cognitive cycle hypothesized for animals
and for humans by the IDA model, samples the world at
roughly five to ten times a second. This frequent sampling
allows for an exceptionally fine grain analysis of common
cognitive phenomena such as a male vole’s reproductive activity
(Franklin et al., 2005). At a high level of abstraction
these analysis support commonly held explanations of what
occurs in these situations and why. At the finer grained level,
our analyses flesh out these common explanations, adding
detail and functional mechanisms. Therein lies the value of
our analyses.
Unfortunately, our current techniques for studying comparative
cognition at so fine grained a level, that is PET,
fMRI, EEG, implanted electrodes, etc., are all lacking either
in scope, in spatial resolution, or in temporal resolution. PET
and fMRI have temporal resolution problems (Kim, Richter,
& Ugurbil, 1997). EEG is well known to have localizability
difficulties, and implanted electrodes (in epileptic patients),
while excellent in temporal and spatial resolution, can only
sample a limited number of neurons, that is, is lacking in
scope. As a result, many of our hypotheses, while testable
in principle, are not testable at the present time for lack of
technologies with suitable scope and resolution. Nonetheless,
the integrative nature of the IDA model suggests that
these hypotheses will prove useful in helping to guide the
research of comparative cognition researchers interested in
such cognitive processing.
Also, there is the issue of the breadth of the IDA model,
encompassing perception, working memory, declarative
memory, attention, decision making, procedural learning
and more. This breadth raises suspicions. How can such a
broad model produce anything useful? The model may not
be useful predictor of the processing among animals that do
not have the neural circuitry to store such information. For
these animals, processing may follow another type of model,
which we have not described. Another caveat that we offer
is that we have simplified the cognitive and the physiological
mechanisms that are likely involved in the processing
of such sensory information for our vole. We acknowledge
the complexity of physiology and cognition, but the focus
of our approach was to provide models that could provide a
better understanding of how animals may assess and process
information about their social environment. We are confident
that researchers in the future will fill in the underlying
mechanisms. One of the strengths of the model is that
it provides hypotheses, many of which are testable. We believe
that the hypotheses suggested in this paper and those that will be developed by other researchers will not only test
the predictions of the model, but will also lead to interesting
findings and the development of new hypotheses. The IDA
model suggests that these various aspects of comparative
cognition are so highly integrated in their function that they
cannot be fully understood in a highly reductionist manner.
A more global view can be expected to add understanding to
that produced by the more common, quite specific models.
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