Canadian Italian: a Case in Point of How Language Adapts to Environment
By: Marcel Danesi
From: Polyphony Vol.7, 1984 ,
pp. 110-113 in Italians in Ontario
© 1985 Multicultural History Society of Ontario
The documentation of language contact phenomena has always been of special
significance for linguistics. Above all else, it has contributed to our
understanding if how a language that is used outside its natural psycho-communicative
setting is able to respond adaptively to a new environment. A prototypical
case in point for the study of how a language can become an adaptive instrument
for its speakers is provided by the Italian spoken in Canada, especially
in the southern Ontario region where there exists, to this day, a very large
Italian-speaking community. (1) It is the language of this particular community
that has come, predictably, often under the linguist's microscope, providing
valuable insights into the general nature of linguistic adaptation mechanisms.
(2)
The use of Italian in the ethnic community -- especially within family structures
-- reveals an interesting case of how a "transplanted" language
can come to fulfil a basic practical need to express a new psycholinguistic
experience. The Canadian version of Italian (and its dialects) constitutes
a case of what linguists commonly refer to as an "ethnic dialect"
or ethnolect, of the mother tongue. This can be defined generally
to be a version of the language of origin which, primarily as a consequence
of the frequent borrowing and adoption of words from the culturally dominant
language, has come to characterize the speech habits of the immigrant community.
(3)
Wherever there exists prolonged contact between a culturally and communicatively
dominant language and an ethnolect, there is bound to be an extensive borrowing
of words from the dominant language (the source language) by the ethnolect
(the receiving language). Thus it is that the ethnolect develops a distinctive
linguistic identity as a result of its use in an environment where another
language constitutes the normal vehicle for social interaction. The borrowed
words, known commonly by the metaphor loanwords, reflect the adaptive process
in a visible way.The speakers of the receiving language -- first generation
immigrants attempting to cope with and to make use of the words which refer
to the everyday objects, concepts and ways of behaving which characterize
the new environment. In fact, it can be claimed, from a psycho-linguistic
standpoint, that it is through these newly acquired words that the immigrant
comes to understand the new reality.
As the loanwords pass into general currency among the members of the immigrant
community, they are adjusted unconsciously and systematically to the pronunciation
and grammatical patterns of the receiving language. This process is referred
to generally asnativization. (4) Simply put,the foreign words are
not accepted in their original shape, but rather restructured to conform
to the articulatory and grammatical features of the receiving language whence
they become indistinguishable from native words, often displacing native
items with the same referents. It is the conspicuous presence of many nativized
loanwords that has brought Canadian Italian repeatedly to the attention
of linguists, allowing them to document and analyze etiologically the nativization
process in action. Known vicariously as italiese (a blend of italiano
and inglese "English") or Italo-Canadian this
ethnolect can be characterized as follows. From all structural points of
view it is essentially Peninsular Italian, i.e., in its phonology (sound
system), morphology (system of word inflections, word formation, etc.) and
Syntax (word and phrase construction), it is identical to Peninsular Italian,
or to any of its regional and dialectal variants. In its lexical repertoire,
however, it contains many new words which have entered the language through
the nativization route. (5)
The Italo-Canadian ethnolect is used, to this day, primarily in homes which
still have first-generation members and in the ethnic community at large,
albeit increasingly sporadically. (6) As the historian Robert F. Harney
has pointed out, the Italian language used in the many Little Italies, which
characterize large urban centres, constitutes a marker of ethnicity and
thus of group identification. (7) Having come primarily from small rural
villages during the last forty years, it should be no surprise to find many
first-generation immigrants who continue to cling to the language or dialect
of their region of origin. This allegiance to the mother tongue is, paradoxically,
an adaptive mechanism which allows for the attenuation of the initial feeling
of unease vis-à-vis the new psychological and social reality.
As the immigrant gradually settles into the new society and begins to understand
the new language, the mother tongue starts to take on a new meaning: it
becomes a verbal link, so to speak, to one's ethnic roots. At the same time,
in its ethnolectal form, it allows the immigrants to verbalize their new
experiences and perceptions. (8) It is, therefore, a marker of what may
be called a "hybrid ethnicity": the mother tongue allows the immigrants
to maintain a link to their heritage, while the newly acquired lexicon allows
them to relate to their new environment in a direct, verbal way.
Predictably, the Italo-Canadian ethnolect does not have a monolithic form,
paralleling in its diverse manifestations the heterogeneous linguistic situation
that characterizes Peninsular Italian. Thus, it is perhaps more accurate
to speak of a Calabrian ethnolect, a Sicilian ethnolect, a Friulian ethnolect,
and so on. Nevertheless, there does exist a "generalized" ethnolect
that has arisen in the course of the communicative interaction among speakers
of different dialectal backgrounds. This koiné is heard commonly
in Italian-speaking stores, restaurants, places of work and the like. It
constitutes a language continuum, ranging from pure dialect on one end to
Standard Italian on the other. The speaker's position on this continuum
is determined primarily by educational background (i.e., by how much schooling
the speaker had previously acquired in Italy). In addition to interactions
of this type, one can mention the following factors as contributing to an
ethnolectal levelling effect: the local Italian-language media in cities
like Toronto, which promulgate and rein force more general forms of Italian;
increasing contacts with Italy; and the popularity of Italian language courses
at all school levels. These factors have also helped to foster in the community
an ever-increasing awareness of the formal differences between Peninsular
and ethnolectal Italian.
To get an idea of the adaptation mechanisms involved in loanword nativization,
consider the common Italo Canadian words carro "car" (Standard
Italian automobile or macchina) and squisare "to
squeeze" (Standard Italian premere). In the case of carro
the following processes have occurred: the English vowel represented by
a is replaced by the Italian vowel closest to it in articulation;
a final vowel is added to the word which gives it a grammatical gender (in
this case masculine); and ther between vowels is doubled in conformity
with a predictable phonological feature of Italian. In the case of squisare,
the -are ending assigns the verb to the first conjugation, the most
regular of all Italian verbal paradigms, and the remaining sounds are restructured
according to native pronunciation patterns. Obviously, these processes will
vary in accordance to the actual dialect or variant spoken; but they do
characterize "canonical" processes in the generalized ethnolect.
The following chart illustrates a few common English words that have been
nativized into the most general Italo Canadian form:
Standard Borrowed Word; Nativized Form; Italian Equivalent
store; storo; negozio
sink; sinco; avandino/acquaio
cake; checca; torta
mortgage; morgheggio; ipoteca/mutuo
fence; fenza; recinto
ticket; ticchetta; biglietto
to push; pusciare; spingere
to paint; pintare; verniciare
to freeze; frisare; congelare
smart; smarto; intelligente
cheap; cippe; economico
Once a word has been nativized, it is then treated grammatically as any
native item. Nouns, for instance, are pluralized in the normal fashion:
carro "car"- carri "cars," ticchetta
" ticket"-ticchette "tickets," etc. Verbs, all
assigned to the first conjugation, are inflected and used in the normal
way: e.g., puscio "I push"; ho pusciato "I
have pushed"; puscerò "I will push"; etc. A
statistical analysis of the loanword data collected over the last decade.
(9) shows quite clearly that the majority of the borrowed words (over 80
per cent) are nouns. These are assigned to both the masculine and feminine
genders. The factors which determine gender assignment are too complex to
mention here. Suffice it to say that the shape of the word itself, its referent,
its similarity to a native item, and the like, all influence its gender.
Occasionally, the borrowed item is reshaped by the addition of suffixes:
e.g., "German" is rendered as germanese (Standard Italian
tedesco), "grocer" as grossiere (Standard Italian
alimentarista), "rent" as rendita (Standard Italian
affitto), and so on. It is also interesting to note that some nativized
loanwords coincide homophonically with native lexical items which they have
no semantic connection:
Standard Borrowed Word; Nativized Form; Italian Homophone
factory; fattoria; fattoria "farm"
brick; bricco; bricco "pot"
steam; stima; stima "esteem"
shovel; sciabola; sciabola "dagger"
The question of why an ethnolect will borrow many words has a deceptively
simple answer. Borrowing constitutes a psycholinguistic response to new
environmental conditions. An examination of the loanwords shows quite clearly
that they refer to common objects or ideas which makes up the immigrant's
new world: they refer to the house and its contents, to automobiles, to
places of work, to clothing etc. Rarely do the loanwords refer to abstract
notions. In other words, they describe the immigrant's new environment in
ways that would not be possible, or appropriate, by the lexical resources
of the native language. Only those words that express a shared experience
will gain general currency: a Canadian storo is something quite different
than an Italian negozio: a checca is certainly not an Italian
torta; and so on.
The ethnolect spoken in Canada elicits different reactions from the Italian
community. Among first-generation immigrants, the degree of penetration
of the loanwords is so high that they are generally no longer of their foreign
origin. Italians of subsequent generations, recently arrived immigrants,
teachers of Italian, and others, consciously recognize most of the features
which distinguish Italo-Canadian form of Peninsular Italian. Many simply
accept it as an ethnic community language. Others, however,view it negatively,
considering it to be a deviant form of the standard language. But whatever
reaction it might elicit, there is no doubt that the lexical peculiarities
of the Italo-Canadian ethnolect give testimony to how language and environment
interact. As the process of acculturation into the dominant culture gains
momentum in subsequent generations, it comes as no surprise to find the
ethnolect is being used less and less. As Iannucci has previously pointed
out, these generations will not need the language to fulfil any communicative
need.: "Some, a few, will speak Italian, thanks to a strong intellectual
curiosity about their cultural heritage among third- and fourth-generation
immigrants. What their investigation into the family's past leads them to
is not the recovery of their ancestral language but the standard Italian
taught in summer school in Perugia, Florence and Siena." (10)
1. According to some figures it is as high as 500,000. See Walburga von
Raffler Engel, "The Language of Immigrant Children," in The
Languages of Canada, ed. J.K. Chambers (Montréal: Didier, 1979),
p. 226.
2. Among the scientific studies published on Canadian Italian, see Domenico
Pietropaolo, "Aspects of English Interference on the Italian Language
in Toronto," Canadian Modern Language Review, 30 (1974), pp.
234-41; Gianrenzo P. Clivio, "The Assimilation of English Loan Words
in Italo-Canadian," in The Second LACUS Forum, ed. P.A. Reich,
pp. 584-89 (Columbia, S.C.: Hornbeam Press, 1976); and Marcel Danesi, "L'interferenza
lessicale nell-italiano parlato in Canada (Toronto)," Les Langues
Néo-Latines, 241 (1982), pp. 163-67.
3. For a more detailed discussion of the concept of ethnolect, see Marcel
Danesi, "Canadian Italian as a Marker of Ethnicity," NEMLA
Italian Studies, 7-8 (1983-84), pp. 99-105.
4. An analysis of the nativization process in Canadian Italian, and its
theoretical implications, can be found in Marcel Danesi, Loanwords
and Phonological Methodology (Montreal: Didier, 1985).
5. An identical situation has been documented in other English speaking
areas of the world where Italian is used as an ethnolect. For the United
States see, Yole Correa-Zoli, "Language Contact in San Francisco: Lexical
Interference in American Italian, "
Italica, 51 (1974), pp. 177-92; and for England, Arturo Tosi, Immigration
and Bilingual Education (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1984)
6. As pointed out elsewhere-Marcel Danesi, "Ethnic Languages and Acculturation:
The Case of Italo-Canadians," Canadian Ethnic Studies, 17 (1985),
pp. 98-103-the use of ethnolects reveals, paradoxically, that acculturation
is taking place. The degree of acculturation is reflected by a corresponding
decrease in the use of the ethnolect.
7. The most comprehensive treatment of the history of Italians in Canada
can be found in Robert F. Harney, Dalla frontiera alle Little Italies:
Gli italiani in Canada 1800-1945 (Roma: Bonacci Editore, 1984)
8. This situation lends some support to the so-called "linguistic
relativity hypothesis" which claims that all our perception of the
world is shaped by language. For an overall assessment of this hypothesis,
see Joshua A. Fishman, "The Whorfian Hypothesis: Varieties of Valuation,
Confirmation and Disconfirmation," International Journal of the
Sociology of Language, (1980), pp. 25-40.
9. A complete analysis can be found in Danesi, Loanwords.
10. Amilcare A. Innucci "The Italian Immigrant: Voyage of No Return,"
Canadian Forum, March 1977, p.15.
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