April 16, 2002
New York, New York

It is a very great pleasure for me to be here tonight in such distinguished company. To be honoured at the same time as David Rockefeller and John Whitehead is something I will not forget.

By honouring me tonight you are really honouring Canada.

I very much appreciate your kind words about me. But the truth of the matter is that I have done no more than use my office to put forward on the international stage values that are profoundly held by all Canadians: tolerance, democracy, internationalism, peace-building, respect for human rights and the rule of law.

The EastWest Institute was founded some twenty years ago when the Cold War was the most important focus of international affairs. When tensions between the Warsaw Pact and NATO spilled over into the third world. Africa Asia and Latin America.

The world has changed dramatically in a relatively short period of time. What we take for granted today was almost inconceivable less than 15 years ago: the fall of the Berlin Wall, the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact, the dismantling of the Soviet Union, the reunification of Germany.

Today, the countries of Eastern Europe are democracies. Market-driven economies preparing for membership in the European Union. NATO expansion is a non-threatening reality. Russia, despite its problems, is beginning to get its act together. The conflict in the Balkans may not yet be resolved, but after the tragedies of the last decade, we can all agree that real progress is being made in that area of the world. And post September 11, American troops are stationed and welcome on the soil of the former Soviet Union. Who would have believed all this would be possible only 15 years ago?

Today, many are focussed rightly on the aftermath of September 11. On the war on terrorism. On improving intelligence and policing. On defending against the threat of biological and chemical warfare.

But I submit tonight that we have to focus our resources and our budgets on more than simply defence against possible attacks. We must not, and cannot ignore our obligations to the rest of the world. Not only because it is right, but because it is in our own longer term self-interest.

In June, I will chair the G8 Summit in Canada, the second time I have had the honour to do so. The first time, 7 years ago in Halifax, we effectively brought Russia into the meetings. Today, with Russia included, the G8 can speak and act with authority and influence on important matters that formerly could not be seriously addressed.

Today, the world is faced with an enormous humanitarian political and economic challenge. A challenge of leadership and, indeed, of statesmanship. One that is at least as complicated as that posed by the need to rebuild Europe and deal with East-West conflict post-1945.

Indeed, the challenge of Africa is in part caused by that conflict.

The last thing Africa needed in the previous century was to be sideswiped by super power rivalry. Yet it was in Africa where the most destructive East-West proxy wars were played out. Exacting an appalling toll in human misery and lost hopes.

Africans paid a huge price as West and East competed for advantage. Buying influence. Propping up the wrong kind of leadership and selling vast stocks of weaponry. As a result, East and West helped sow the seeds of enduring armed conflict and so helped mortgage the future of a generation.

When the Cold War ended, both East and West stopped paying any serious attention to Africa. But 300 million people in Sub-Saharan Africa live on less than one U.S. dollar a day. On the continent as a whole, 40% of primary school age children do not go to school; 40% of the population does not have regular access to safe water; 25.3 million people suffer from HIV/AIDS. And in about 5 years the number of AIDS orphans will equal about half of the population of Canada.

It should be clear that the continued marginalization of Africa from the globalization process, and the social exclusion of the vast majority of its peoples constitute a serious threat to global security.

Last summer at our summit in Genoa, G8 leaders decided to respond to what is now called the New Partnership for Africa’s Development, or NEPAD. A visionary proposal put forward by progressive African leaders.

It lays out in clear terms how Africa, working in partnership with the rest of the world, can finally begin addressing the immense challenges it faces.

As Chair of this year’s G-8 meeting, I intend to put the development of an action plan on Africa at the centre of the agenda of the upcoming Summit.

I just returned this past weekend from a six country tour of Africa to plan for the G8 Summit. I heard enthusiasm and a clear commitment on the part of African leaders to move forward on a new approach they themselves have developed. Where countries commit to and take tangible steps to ensure peace and stability in their regions. Where they foster democratic rule and respect for human rights. Where they pursue good governance. Where they work to root out corruption. Where their performance is rated on transparent criteria by peers. And where countries that are implementing the NEPAD principles are rewarded with enhanced aid and investment.

The formula is timely. For common sense and our own taxpayers insist that we can no longer provide massive development assistance to countries that do not subscribe to the above principles and are not transparent in their dealings.

We will, of course, continue to assist people in need throughout Africa.

My trip to Africa came on the heels of the Monterrey Conference on Financing for Development, where the United States, the European Union and Canada all committed to substantial increases in our aid budgets.

But it is well understood that aid alone cannot be the basis of our relationship with Africa. Aid alone cannot fix Africa. Private investment must be the engine of African growth, and freer trade the fuel.

Yet, we cannot demand that Africa develop a market-based economy, and at the same time close our own markets to African products. It is time for the United States and Europe to reduce agricultural subsidies, just as Canada will eliminate tariffs on imports from least developed countries.

The annual level of all Official Development Assistance from developed countries amounts to some $50 billion. Subsidies by these same countries for their domestic agriculture exceed $350 billion annually. These huge supports put a strain on treasuries, depress prices and effectively shut out producers from developing countries. Global agriculture markets will be far healthier, more efficient and fairer – in short, better for rich countries and poor – if we collectively reduce our subsidies.

Along with fair and open markets, governments need to do what they can to encourage their private sectors to look to Africa for investment opportunities so that it can be part of the global trading network.

The Africans I met with made it clear to me that they see a direct correlation between addressing domestic challenges and attracting international investment. They will require help along the way on basic needs, such as health education as well as assistance with technical advice and capacity-building. But if they do their part and we do ours I am confident that we can and will make globalization work for the poor of Africa.

I believe that one real test of statesmanship in the years ahead will be how the developed world – East and West – works with African leaders to bring that continent into the mainstream of the global society.

We have seen right here in New York the tragic consequences that can result from failed states in far away places. Simply put, we can’t afford not to address these issues.

Helping Africa get on its feet is profoundly in our self-interest from the point of view of our own security. It is in our interest from the perspective of creating a more prosperous world with new markets. And finally, for nations like ours, which believe in the right of citizens to be free, to be able to pursue their dreams, to contribute to their societies, it is absolutely the right way to go.

I leave you tonight with the hope and the goal that West and East, working together, embrace a new partnership with Africa. Not to make up for past mistakes, but to ground the East-West relationship in a cooperative approach to global problem-solving.

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