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"Early Journalism in Nova Scotia" : a paper read by J.J. Stewart, Esq. December 8, 1887. Reprinted in the Nova Scotia Historical Society Collections VI, pp.91-122.

Early Journalism in Nova Scotia" : a paper read by J.J. Stewart, Esq. December 8, 1887

When, on the 13th May, 1749, the sloop-of-war, Sphinx, with the thirteen transports that she convoyed, sailed from England to found this good city of Halifax, -- to plant the first tender shoots of English Canada, -- and, as one of our own poets puts it: "to a race all time shall trace adown the historic page," there was one important defect in the outfit of the migrating city. It was, perhaps, not a very conspicuous defect; for probably not one in the company recognized it, and I doubt if even Cornwallis himself would have waited an hour to rectify it, even if it had been pointed out to him. But with the wisdom that comes after the event, the citizen of Halifax of 1887 cannot fail to pronounce it a grave omission. In the expedition under Cornwallis, there were artisans to build the future city; statesmen to govern it; soldiers to protect it; tradesmen to supply its wants; merchants, clergymen, doctors, lawyers, schoolmasters, and even actors, -- but in the whole outfit of the moving city, the like of which the world has seldom seen,--certainly never seen since, there was neither printing press nor printer. Among all the various classes of artisans represented on board the thirteen transports, there does not appear to have been one working representative of the art preservative of all arts; and among all the agencies that Cornwallis had placed at his disposal for subduing, governing and moulding the destinies of the new land to which he was bound, no one seems to have thought of providing him with what Napoleon Bonaparte is said to have regarded as the most powerful of all human forces - a printer's plant. The omission was hardly creditable to the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, but must be excused, I presume, for a reason I have seen somewhere stated, that in those days public men learned of the public requirements entirely by attending dinners, and as "the press" was not then as popular a toast as it is now, these worthy men had not the same opportunities of knowing the relative importance of that puissant institution, that public men now have.

Happily the defect was only to be of short duration. England was not then coming to America for the first time. There was already in America a New England,--Intolerant, greedy and jealous, --at whose instance and in whose interest, the new city was being founded by, and at the expense of, the mother land. In less than three years from the time Cornwallis sailed out of Portsmouth for Chebucto Bay, New England supplied the want in question, and had provided the infant city with both a printing office and a newspaper. That was New England's contribution, and, --so far as we know-its most important contribution to the new enterprise.

Just one hundred years before the sailing of Cornwallis-it wit, in 1649-an Englishman named Samuel Green had set up a printing office at Cambridge, in the Colony of Massachusetts Bay. He was not actually the first printer in America, for Stephen Day had preceded him by ten years; but he was essentially the father of American printing. His son, Bartholomew Green, was the first printer of the Boston News Letter, the first newspaper published in America. And his son in turn, Bartholomew Green, junior, was destined to set up the first printing office in what is now the Dominion of Canada. It is not often that such honours descend on three successive generations of the same family. Bartholomew Green, junior, was born in 1700, four years before the News Letter was started. He served his apprenticeship in the News Letter with his father, and, after he came of age, printed for himself, using his father's types and presses. In 1734, or thereabouts, he formed a partnership with two other printers, John Bushell and Bezoune Allen, which firm continued to do business as printers in Boston till 1751. For some reason or other the firm in that year was dissolved, and, in the latter part of august, 1751, Green, with his printing plant, sailed for the new city of Halifax, in the sloop Endeavour, Robert Motton, master. He arrived here in September, procured a lot of land on the lower side of Grafton Street, a little to the north of where Duke Street intersects it, and, on this lot, he-the grandson of the man who established the first fully equipped printing office in America, the son of the man who printed the first American newspaper - erected the first printing office in Halifax. But it is not certain that he ever did any printing in it. The probability is that he did. But there is no positive evidence on the point. All we know of a certainty is, that in a few months after his arrival here he was taken suddenly ill, and died at the comparatively early age of 52.

Upon news of Green's death reaching Boston, John Bushell, his late partner, sailed for Halifax, and immediately assumed the management of the new enterprise. Why Bushell should have succeeded to the business instead of Green's family-two of whom were then printers, grown to man's estate, -- does not clearly appear. The most probable explanation is that Bushell was a partner with Green in the Halifax venture, and was only remaining in Boston to close up their business there, before following him to their new field of operation. Anyway, we hear no more of Green's family in connection with the Halifax printing office. They remained in New England, where several of them attained a fair measure of success in the trade of their father, grandfather and great-grandfather.

John Bushell was, like Green, a Bostonian. Of his parentage and early life, little is known. THOMAS, in his History of Printing, says of him. (Vol.2, p. 176), that "he was a good workmen, but had not the art of acquiring property, nor did he make the most economical use of the little that fell into his hands." How much truth there was in this judgment we shall see later on; but at first he seems to have taken hold of the business with vigor. He only arrived in Halifax about the end of January, and on Monday the 23rd of March 1752, he published the first issue of the Halifax Gazette, the pioneer Canadian journal. For this was the first newspaper published in what is now the Dominion of Canada, though the honor has been wrongfully claimed for others, -- and twelve years were to elapse before there was a second. (The Quebec Gazette, the second newspaper published in Canada, only made its appearance on June 21st, 1764.) Further, the newspaper thus established by Bushell has been continuously published ever since, for over 135 years, still makes its appearance regularly each week as the Nova Scotia Royal Gazette, and is by several years the oldest newspaper now published in America. Hudson, in his History of Journalism, (published in 1873,) gives the Portsmouth (N.h.) Gazette, first published in 1758, as the second oldest. Whether these papers are still published or not I cannot sawy, (that was fourteen years ago), but in any case our Gazette antedates the oldest of them by several years.

And just here let us correct one of Thomas's numerous inaccuracies bearing on this very point. Thomas says, speaking of the Halifax Gazette published by Bushell, "that after a trial of some months, publication of it was for a long time suspended; at length it was revived, but not issued at regular periods till about the autumn of 1760." This statement we now know to be incorrect. In the archives of the Historical Society of Massachusetts, there is a fyle of the paper in question for over three years, till August, 1755, the numberings on which show it to have been published regularly for that time at least. And though we have not the papers for the intervening period between 1755 and 1760, we have evidence that it was published regularly during that time. Our respected townsman and fellow member, Mr. Akins, has in his library a copy of the Halifax Gazette of November 1st, 1760, giving an account of Governor Lawrence's funeral, and on this paper,-- following the practice of the time to number from the first issue,-- the number is "425." Now, between March 23rd, 1752, and November 1st, 1760-over eight years-- there are not many more than 425 weeks, no more than can reasonably be accounted for by holidays falling on the day of publication, the change in the calendar which took effect in September, 1752, (The change from the Julian to the Gregorian calendar took place throughout the British Empire, September 1752, and by this change eleven days were lost. This, with the change in the day of publication, accounts for two weeks.) accidents, etc. -such events as, according to the custom of the time, fully justified suspension of publication. Indeed there is no good reason to doubt that the paper was published as regularly between 1752 and 1760 as we know it to have been ever since.

As first issued, the Halifax Gazette, --while doubtless like all other papers filling "a long-felt want," -was not calculated, by either its size or character, to produce much of a sensation in the world. Its size was that of a half sheet of foolscap. Its heading was after this style:--

Nova Scotia No. 1 THE HALIFAX GAZETTE. Monday, March 23rd , 1752

There was a wood-cut at each end of the title, --the one at the right hand representing a fowler pursuing game; the one on the left a ship under full sail.

The imprint read as follows: -- "Halifax : printed by John Bushell, at the printingoffice in Grafton St., where the advertisements are taken in."In the first issue the only thing in the shape of editorial, salutory, or prospectus, is as follows:--

"As many of the subscribers to the proposal for publishing of this paper may be desirous of knowing the cause why it has been so long delayed, the printer begs leave to inform them that the gentleman who is possessed of the original subscription, whenever desiredm will give them a satisfactory explanation; and as the letter press is now conveniently fixed for the printing business, all such gentlemen and others as may have occasion for anything in our way may depend upon being served in a most reasonable and judicious manner by their old humble servant," JOHN BUSHELL.

The only local matter was comprised in the following paragraphs:-- "By our advices from Chegnecto, the commandant of His Majesty's forces, Captain Collier, of the Lacelles regiment, died there in the beginning of the month. John Gorham died of small-pox in London, in December. The small-pox being prevalent in Boston and New York, vessels are to be very cautious not to suffer infected goods and persons to be brought into the province,"The rigour of the season is considerably abated since the beginning of this month, but the scarcity of fresh provisions is so much increased that several working "cattle have been lately killed, and the beef sold at 5 pence and 6 pence per lb."

The balance of the reading matter was exclusively clippings from English papers.

These, with a few advertisements, made up the paper. As an indication of the business being done in the city during the third year of its history, the advertisements are perhaps the most interesting department of the paper. Thus we have, in the first few issues of the Gazette, such advertisements as the following: --

"All sorts of bills, bills of sale, bills of lading, bonds, charter parties, contracts,covenants, deeds of sale, deeds of mortgage, indentures, leases, releases, wills, "warrents of attorney, writs and processes returnable to any of His Majesty's Courts, are "drawn, at the corner of Sackville Street, by the beach, where constant attendance is "given from 1 to 2 and from 3 to 7 in every afternoon, Sundays excepted."

"At the sign of the Hand and Pen, at the south end of Granville Street, are"carefully taught, by Leigh & Wragg, spelling, reading, writing in all its different hands,arithmetic in all its parts, merchants' accompts …. Sold at the above place quill pens,inks, writing papers, writing and spelling books, and slate pencils."

"To be sold by Proctor & Scott, at their store near the North Gate, cheap for ready cash, choice butter by the firkin or small quantity."

Jackson & Usher, at their shop, "corner of Duke St., opposite Capt. Cook's wharf," advertise "all sorts of brazier's ware; likewise English refined sugar; also house and lot on Barrington St."

Choice Hampshire bacon is advertised to be sold by Joseph Rundell.

To be sold by John Codman, at his store, the south corner of Bedford Row, on Sackville St., "good pork, beef, wheat and rye, flour, Indian meal, butter, cheese, mould and dipped candles, rum, tobacco, milk, bread, etc."

Cornelius Durant, "at Mr. Shipton's, near the North Gate," had for sale "New England and West India rum, loaf and brown sugars, etc. ;" And Mr. Samuel Shipton, "near the North Gate," also advertises that he has "just imported" sashes painted and glazed, 6 X 10, 7 X 10 and 8 X 10 glass, and house frames of 2 storeys, 30 X 18.

"Reading school for children kept, and gold and silver lace cleaned; and all sorts of silk, also mournings, stiffened, by Elizabeth Render, near Rev. Mr. Tutty's new house on Barrington Street."

To be sold, a house And lot on Carpenter's Row, belonging to Joshua Churchill, peruke maker.

"At the Academy in Grafton St., young gentlemen are speedily instructed and well grounded in the true art of spelling by rules short and easy, but expressive and "comprehensive to almost the youngest capacity. They are likewise taught reading, "writing, arithmetic, French, Latin, and dancing. Young ladies, as well as gents, taught "dancing by me, HENRY MERITON."

Nathan Nathans gives notice "that all persons indebted to the estate of the late"Isaac Levy, late of Halifax, deceased," as well as "all persons indebted to the firm of "Levy & Nathans," are to settle with him forthwith.

And in the next issue we read: --

"Just imported to be sold by Nathans & Hoyt, at their dwelling house in Hollis St., opposite His Excellency's, for ready money or short credit, by wholesale or retail, "groceries, dry goods, and stationary, hardware, 4d., 6d., 8d.,10d., 12d., and 20 d., "London nails, etc."

Benjamin Gerrish announces that "sheet cork for nets is to be sold by him at his store near the brew-house."

William Craft, auctioneer, announces that he will sell by auction at Mr. Cowie's, four gundiloes in one lot," - they are to be seen "near the King's Wharf."

Samuel Sellon advertises to sell "at the sign of the Spread Eagle," a two-storey house in the south suburbs; also said Sellon's dwelling-house, store and wharf.

Francis Martin offers goods for sale "at Mr. Fairbanks' store, near the south gate."

Malachy Salter advertises "groceries, hardware, and iron backs for chimneys" at his store, near the south gate.

Richard Bulkeley warns any one against cutting wood on Cornwallis Island.

Henry O'Brien took in boarders at the "Heart and Crown," on the Beach. John Sharpe did business "at the sign of the Recruiting Sergeant, near the parade," and Capt. Piggott held out at the "Duke of Cumberland's Head." Advertisements also appear of John Walker, blacksmith; John Steven, cabinet-maker and joiner, "next door to Mr. Wilkinson's, near the beach;" William Nesbitt, attorney; George Taylor, baker; Henry Sibley, tallow-chandler and soap maker; mrs. Tidd, "outside the South Gate," linen draper; and Kneeland & Tidmarsh, general dealers.

The Gazette seems also, I am happy to say, to have enjoyed at its inception a fair measure of government advertising, which Mr. Bushell, having no envious opposition press to contend with, was able to enjoy without any aspersions on his probity or patriotism. Nearly every issue contained one or more government advertisements. Some of these are of historical interest. In the second issue (March 30th, 1752,) there is a proclamation requiring the registration of all "memorials of deeds, conveyances and mortgages." This proclamation not only required the registration of all such documents in the future, but required that any that had ever been made affecting any lands in the province should be registered, -- if in Halifax city, before the 30th of April; if outside the city, before the 30th of September, then ensuing.

The next issue contains an advertisement setting forth that at a Council holden at Halifax, April 8th, 1752, it was enacted by the authority of the Governor-in-Council that certain duties shall be laid upon distilled spirits here imported and retailed, and the moneys arising from the said duties are to be disposed of in "bounties for the encouragement of the fisheries, building of vessels, and other useful improvements within said province."

Here are some of the bounties: --

On all lands granted by government, etc., that shall be, in 12 months from the date of grant, fenced with a substantial fence not less than 4 ft. high, and be cleared of all underwood and brush, and shall have all the trees thereon felled, (excepting 10 to each acre,) and shall be sowed with English hayseed or any kind of English grain, or with hemp or flax seed, the sum of 20s. per acre.

The sum of 2s. per cwt. upon every cwt. of English hay which shall, within 18 months from the date hereof, be produced on any of the aforementioned lands.

2s. per bushel on wheat, barley, or rye, and 1s. per bushel on oats.

3d. per lb. on every lb. of merchantable hemp, which shall be bright, well cured, and water rotted, 4 ft. in length and fit for use."

3d. per lb. on flax - ditto, ditto. The said bounties on hay, grain, hemp and flax, to be paid upon certificates to the treasurer of the Province, the applicants making oath that it is the bona fide growth of their own lands. Signed by Benj. Green, Sec'y.

A few issues later there appears the famous, or rather infamous, proposal to build a lighthouse "near Cape Samborough," by means of a lottery. As the full details of this proposal will be found in the Nova Scotia Archives, page 648, I need not enlarge on it here, further than to say that it was a scheme, sanctioned by order in council of the government of this province, to raise £450 for the aforesaid lighthouse by the sale of 1,000 tickets at £3 each, the whole of the £3,000 thus realized to be distributed in 200 prizes, but the prize money to be subject to a discount of 15 per cent, which would make the £450 required. To the credit of the home government, the scheme met with their decided disfavor; and to the credit of the province, the government, ere the summer was over, found itself compelled to abandon the project, and to refund the money so far realized.

There was another class of advertising in the Halifax Gazette, of 135 years ago, that the newspapers of to-day do not participate in, -- advertisements that indicate an extinct industry. Here is one of them: --

"To be sold by Joshua Mauger at Major Lockman's store in Halifax, several negro "slaves, as follows: A woman, aged 35; two boys, aged 12 and 13 respectively; two of "18 and a man, aged 30." Indeed, for some reason or other, Halifax appears at that time to have been quite a slave mart; for, in the Boston papers of the summer of 1751, there appears an advertisement of "a lot of negro slaves from Halifax," said to be mostly mechanics.

But to return to our narrative. Bushell continued to publish the Gazette till 1760; but not, we are sorry to say, with unqualified success. We remember the character given him by Thomas, that, while a good workman, he was careless and unthrifty in business. His career in Halifax, unfortunately, justifies this unfavourable certificate. The records of the our courts for that period show that he got into debt; and there is evidence that he got into arrears to his grocer, and that the proportion of liquid groceries in his bill was much larger than it should be in any well ordered household. But through all his difficulties - and they appear to have been manifold - he still retained nominal control, at least, of his paper, until the autumn of 1760. At that date, (23rd September, 1760, is said to be the exact date,) he took into partnership with him a young printer who was destined to become one of the most prominent figures in Nova Scotia journalism - one for who the next forty years (with a brief interruption) was to publish the Gazette, and to render to the province incalculable service. Anthony Henry was of German parentage, and was born in the province of Alsace, near Montbeliard, in 1734. He seems to have received what, for that time, was a liberal education. He could read, write and speak three languages - German, French and English. He was also a good musician. And, like all Germans of the better class in those days, he had served a regular apprenticeship to a trade, which in his case was that of a printer. At what time he came to America is not known. The first authentic record we have of him is as a bandsman in one of the regiments that constituted Amherst's expedition against Louisburg, in 1758. Thomas says he was a fifer, and tradition has it that the regiment to which he belonged was the Provincials or Rangers. But beyond the fact that he was a native of Alsace, that he left relatives behind in the Fatherland with whom he corresponded in later years, that the Montbeliard people who arrived here before him regarded him as a kinsman, and that he came here as a bandsman in one of Amherst's regiments, after the fall of Louisburg in 1758, -- but little is known respecting his early life. That in less than two years after his arrival here, a private soldier, we should find him junior partner with Bushell in the publication of the Gazette, appears a sudden transition; but it can be easily accounted for. Bushell was doubtless neglecting his business, and the government needed somebody to do their printing. Furthermore, Richard Bulkeley, who was Secretary of the province at that time, was the editor of the Gazette, and to the zeal on behalf of his paper that all good editor should have, would be able to add official influence with the military authorities, and thus could easily secure Henry's transfer from the barracks to the printing office. How it was discovered that he could set type is explained in this way:

Upon the return of the army to Halifax after the fall of Louisburg - holding them here in readiness for next season's operations against Quebec - Amherst adopted the thrifty policy, said to have been suggested to him by Pitt, of allowing the soldiers to earn their own living. A proclamation was accordingly issued that the soldiers should work for the inhabitants, the artificers receiving 18d. a day, and ordinary laborers 6d. a day for their labor. It was doubtless in this way that Henry's early training as a printer became known to the authorities; and that in turn led to his services being transferred from the army to the press. Supposing him to have been employed at the printing office soon after the issue of the proclamation alluded to, he would have been employed there nearly two years before his admission into the partnership. Twenty-six years of age, of good education, of correct habits, a good printer, and with two years' experience in the office, it is easy to see how, in even these conservative times, he should be deemed quite deserving of a junior partnership.

And, as the fates would have it, a very brief season was to elapse between his admission as junior partner, and his succession to the sole control; for in about four months from the formation of the partnership between Bushell and Henry, John Bushell died. [Bushell died in January, 1761.] And as nine years previously, we saw Bushell succeeding to the business founded by his partner Green, to the exclusion of Green's family, so now Henry succeeded to the business to the exclusion of Bushell's family; for Bushell, like Green, left a family, who followed the craft of their father. The Bushell family consisted of a son and daughter both printers. The son died in Philadelphia in 1793, where he had worked at his trade, and kept the "Cross Keys" tavern, for many years previously. The daughter seems to have remained in Halifax. Henry, as we have already explained, shortly after the death of Bushell, assumed the sole management of the Gazette. On the first issue in May, 1761, he commenced a new series, and numbered his papers anew. But otherwise he seems to have made little change. The paper had in the meantime grown from the size of a half-sheet of foolscap to the size of a full sheet, and the office of publication had been removed from Grafton St., but the precise date of neither change is known.

In the autumn of 1765, there came to Halifax, and for some months worked in the Gazette office, a lad of sixteen, who afterwards achieved considerable distinction. Isaiah Thomas, the future founder of the Worcester Spy, the pioneer historian of Printing in America, whose book now sells at fabulous figures, was born in Boston in 1749 - the year Halifax was founded. His mother, who was soon after left a widow, indentured him at six years of age to Zechariah Fowle, a noted Boston printer of those days. After serving with Fowle for about eleven years, he determined to go to England to complete his mechanical education, -- or, at least, he gives that himself as an excuse for being in Halifax, penniless, in the autumn of 1765. From an independent point of view, it looks very much as if this excuse might not be the correct one; and as Thomas was undoubtedly given to handling the truth rather carelessly, we are under no obligation to believe any more of his story than we see fit. At any rate he was here, and on his own admission, sought and obtained employment from Mr. Henry, though Henry was at that time not in need of assistance. This is how Thomas tells the story: --

"As he (Henry) had two apprentices, he was not in want of assistance in his "printing house; but Thomas accepted an offer of board for his services."

What was probably true, was that Thomas, having run away from his Boston master, and having come to Halifax on the principle of not caring whither he went, sought and obtained board and shelter from Henry on the ground of being a fellow craftsman; and that Henry, not caring to keep him in idleness, set him to work in the printing office. How the young runaway afterwards rewarded his benefactor, how he sought to return him evil for good, by ruining both his business and character, and how even ten long years after Henry's death, Thomas published in his History the most abominable mis-statements regarding him and his family - mis-statements that the amplest charity will not permit us to believe the writer ever suspected of being true, -- are very far from being pleasing themes for reflection. But justice to Henry requires that they should be known at least as widely as Thomas' libels.

Thomas' arrival here was almost contemporaneous with the coming into force of the Stamp Act, and in the extremely picturesque account he gives in his History of his residence in Halifax, his sayings and doings in regard to the Stamp Act from the largest proportion. His account is as follows: --

"The Gazette was soon after (Thomas' arrival) printed on stamped paper, made for the purpose in England. [The Stamp Act came into force Nov. 1st, 1765, and remained in force till March 18th, 1766.] To the use of this paper "the young Newenglandman," as he was called, was opposed; and to the Stamp Act he was extremely hostile. A paragraph appeared in the Gazette purporting that the people of Nova Scotia were generally disgusted with the Stamp Act. This paragraph gave great offence to the officers of government, who called Henry to account for publishing what they termed sedition. Henry had not so much as seen the Gazette in which the offensive article had appeared; consequently he pleaded ignorance, and in answer to their interrogation informed them that the paper was, in his absence, conducted by his journeyman. He was reprimanded and admonished that he would be deprived of the work of government, should he in future suffer anything of the kind to appear in the Gazette. It was not long before Henry was again sent for on account of another offence of a similar nature; however, he escaped the consequences he might have apprehended, by assuring the officers of government that he had been confined by sickness; and he apologized in a satisfactory manner for the appearance of the obnoxious publication. But his journeyman was summoned to appear before the Secretary of the Province; to whose office he accordingly went."

As we have already explained, Mr. Bulkeley was both the Secretary of the Provinces and the editor of the Gazette. It was, of course, in his capacity as the editor that he summoned Thomas before him, if he ever did; but it adds much to the impressiveness of the incident for Thomas to represent himself as being summoned before the Secretary of the Province; to whose office he accordingly went."

"Thomas was probably not know to Mr. Secretary, who sternly demanded of him what he wanted. A. - Nothing, sir. Q. - Why came you here? A. - Because I was sent for. Q. - What is your name? A. - Isaiah Thomas. Q. - Are you the young Newenglander who prints for Henry? A. - Yes, sir. Q. - How dare you publish in the Gazette that people in Nova Scotia are displeased with the Stamp Act? A. - I thought it was true. Sec. - You have no right to think so. If you publish anything more of such stuff you will be punished. You may go, but remember you are not in New England. A. - I will, sir. "Not long after this adventure occurred, a vessel arrived in Halifax from Philadelphia, and brought some of the newspapers published in that city. The Pennsylvania Journal, published the day preceding that on which the Stamp Act was to take place, was in full mourning. Thick black lines surrounded the pages and were placed between the columns; a death's head and cross bones wer surmounted over the title, and at the bottom of the last page was a large figure of a coffin, beneath which was printed the age of the paper, and an account of it having died of a disorder called the Stamp Act. A death's head, etc., as a substitute for a stamp, was placed at the end of the last column on the first page. Thomas had a strong desire to decorate the Halifax Gazette in the same manner, but he dared not do it, on account of his apprehensions of the displeasure of the officers of the government. However an expedient was thought of to obviate that difficulty, which was to insert in the Gazette an article of the following import: "We are desired by a number of our readers to give a description of the extraordinary appearance of the Pennsylvania Journal of 30th of October last, (1765). We can in no better way comply with the request than by the exemplification we have given of that journal in this day's Gazette." As near a representation as possible was made of the several figures: emblems of mortality, mourning columns - all of which accompanied by the qualifying paragraph appeared together in the Halifax Gazette, and made no trifling bustle in the place.

"Soon after this event the effigy of the Stamp Master was hung on the gallows near the citadel, and other tokens of hostility to the Stamp Act were exhbited. These disloyal transactions were done silently and secretly; but they created some alarm, -- a captain's guard was continually stationed at the house of the Stamp Master to protect him from those injuries which were expected to befall him. It is supposed the apprehensions entertained on his account were entirely groundless.

"The officers of government had prided themselves on the loyalty of the province, it not having shewn any opposition to the Stamp Act," but these things were against them," and a facetious officer was heard to repeat to some of his friends the old English proverb, "we have not saved our bacon."

"An opinion prevailed that Thomas not only knew the parties concerned in these transactions, but had a hand in them himself, on which account a few days after the exhibition of the Stamp Master's effigy, a sheriff went to the printing house and informed Thomas that he had a precept against him, and intended to take him to prison, unless he would give information respecting the persons concerned in making and exposing the effigy of the Stamp Master. He mentioned that some circumstances had produced a conviction in his mind, that Thomas was one of those who had been engaged in these seditious proceedings. The sheriff receiving no satisfactory answer to his enquiries, ordered Thomas to go with him before a magistrate; and he, having no person to consult or to give him advice, in the honest simplicity of his heart was going to obey the orders of this terrible alguazil [a warrant officer]; but being suddenly struck with the idea that this proceeding might be intended merely to alarm him into an acknowledgment of his privity of the transactions in question, he told the sheriff he did not know him, and demanded information respecting the authority by which he acted. The sheriff answered that he had sufficient authority; but on being requested to exhibit it, the officer was evidently disconcerted, and showed some symptoms of his not acting under "the King's authority."

However, he answered that he would show his authority when it was necessary, and again ordered this "printer of sedition" to go with him. Thomas answered that he would not obey him, unless he produced a precept or proper authority for taking him prisoner. After further parley, the sheriff left him with an assurance that he would soon return; but Thomas saw him no more, and he afterwards learned that this was a plan concocted for the purpose of surprising him into a confession."

As I before remarked, we can believe as much of this as we like. There is doubtless an element of truth in it. It is quite reasonable to suppose that the people of Halifax were no better affected towards the new scheme of taxation, than were the colonists elsewhere. The probability, however is, that Thomas played a much less important part in the anti-stamp act manifestations than he afterwards imagined that he did.

But there was one escapade in which he did undoubtedly figure, and it seems to have had a more serious effect on Henry's fortunes than were probably anticipated. Thomas's version of the affair is this: -- "Henry had received from the stamp office the whole stock of paper that was sent "ready stamped from England for the use of the Gazette . . .It was not many weeks after "the Sheriff already mentioned made his exit from the printing office, when it was "discovered that this paper was divested of the stamps; not one remained; they had "been cut off and destroyed."

In another part of his History, Thomas tells how the stamps were cut off. He says it was done " with the assistance of a binder's press and plough." which indicates that the book-binding as well as printing was done in Henry's establishment in 1765. Of course the stamps being destroyed, and no more stamped paper being obtainable on this side of the Atlantic, there was nothing for it but to publish the paper without stamps. And that was what Henry did, with the result being nearly ruined. We know that in the other colonies the stamp act was virtually disregarded. No one made any pretencs of observing it, and the authorities made no effort to enforce it. But the authorities in Nova Scotia were, at that time, not that kind of people. They believed that the laws were made to be obeyed , and they believed in punishing those who did not obey them. The law forbade any citizen to publish a newspaper except on stamped paper. Henry had disobeyed that law, and had openly announced in his paper his intention of continuing to do so. So they determined on punishing him, not with fines and penalties, but in a much more effective manner. They determined on bringing another printer to Halifax, and transferring their patronage, and the Gazette along with it, to the new comer. In vain did Henry protest his innocence of any intentional wrong. In vain did he dismiss Thomas from the printing office and send him back to Boston,--thus incurring his life-long resentment. The authorities were inexorable. They had resolved on a change, and were not to be turned aside from their purpose. Accordingly, in the early summer of 1766, there arrived in Halifax, from London, Robert Fletcher, a London printer of experience, with an outfit of new type, "and," Thomas adds, " a valuable collection of books and stationery," Thomas says further, that "until this time there had been no bookstore in the province" - a statement that we are inclined to doubt. Fletcher commenced the publication of the Gazette on Thursday, August 14th, 1766. He changed its name from the Halifax Gazette to the Nova Scotia Gazette, enlarged it to a full sheet, crown folio, and commenced a new series of numberings. [The imprint on the Gazette, as published by Fletcher, was as follows: "Halifax : Printed by Robert Fletcher and sold by him at his shop near the Parade, where all sorts of printing is executed neatly, correctly, and expeditiously. Subscriptions received at twelve shillings a year, or threepence a paper. Advertisements of a moderate length inserted at three shillings each."] The exact means by which the Gazette was thus transferred from Henry to Fletcher we cannot say. All we know is that in August, 1766, Fletcher commenced to publish the Gazette, and Henry thereupon, though still continuing to own a printing office, ceased to publish it. It may have been that Bulkeley, the editor, had such an interest in the paper as enabled him to control it, and give the publication to whom he liked; or it may have been that when the government withdrew their favor, there was nothing else for Henry to do but cease publication. The circulation of the Gazette, according to Thomas, was, during the time he worked in Henry's office, only three quires, or 72 copies, and we can readily see that to a publisher with a circulation of but 72 copies, it would only require a withdrawal of support of a few subscribers to be equivalent to extinction. At any rate, Fletcher became the publisher of the Gazette, and continued to be so for little over four years. He appears to have been a good printer, and to have known something about how to conduct a newspaper. Within a few months after his arrival, he printed the first consolidated volume of our laws, prepared by Mr. Duport, for which he received £180 in payment.

For two years and a half after Fletcher took charge of the Gazette, Henry seems to have attended solely to job printing, leaving journalism to other hands. But evidently he felt repressed, and in thirty months resolved on once more entering the field from which he had been driven. With the beginning of the year 1769 he determined on what was then a very bold move : it was nothing less than to start a rival paper. Accordingly on Tuesday, January 3rd, 1769, there appeared The Nova Scotia Chronicle and Weekly Advertiser, a small-sized eight-paged paper, "printed by Anthony Henry, at his printing office in George Street." While the new paper was very far from being the equal of Fletcher's paper in typographical appearance, it possessed qualities that doubtless made it a formidable rival to the Gazette. It seems to have been the first bona fide attempt at a newspaper yet made in the province. But the difficulties of publishing a newspaper at that date, in Halifax, are strikingly illustrated in Mr. Henry's salutatory in the Chronicle and Advertiser, in which he pathetically remarks : "As the winter already set in will deprive him (the publisher) for some time of the benefit of his British and Foreign Intelligence, -- in this situation he will endeavour, by a variety of entertaining and instructive pieces, to please his subscribers."

The fact was, he had nothing, that by the most liberal interpretation of the term, could be regarded as 'news." So there was nothing else for it than to fill his paper with " a variety of entertaining and instructive pieces." These "entertaining and instructive pieces" consisted, in a large measure, of official documents, with an occasional political blast from the Public Advertiser. But without anything available that in these modern days would be regarded as "news," Henry managed, by a judicious use of the scissors, to get out a paper that constantly gained in public favor. This is made apparent by the increased advertising patronage that the paper received as the months passed on. But in this, the first newspaper war in the province, Henry did not rely alone on the superiority of his paper. He adopted the method known in modern journalism as "cutting rates." The Gazette was published at 12 shillings a year. Henry published the Chronicle and Advertiser at 8 shillings; and to this fact, probably more than to any other, was due his ultimate success. For he did succeed, as we shall see. Fletcher, while a good printer, was evidently more ambitious to succeed as a merchant than at his craft. As already mentioned, he bought a stock of books and stationery from London with him ; and the presumption is that he concluded, after four years' experience, that there was more money in selling literature than in printing it. He also probably saw plainly enough that there was only room in Halifax for one paper, and that Henry seemed determined to remain in the arena. So Fletcher abandoned the field to his rival, and, at the close of August, 1770, handed over the Gazette to Henry, selling his types, etc., to John Boyle of Boston. Thomas says that after thus disposing of his business, Fletcher returned to England. But this is a mistake. He remained in Halifax and continued to do business here. His advertisements show that from merely keeping books and stationery, he enlarged his business so that in the Gazette of 1781 advertisements of his appear, offering for sale, not books only, but provisions and dry goods as well. Whether it was due to this expansion of his business, or to some other cause, he seems to have made financial shipwreck ; for we find the following in the Gazette of March, 1782 : --

"All persons indebted to Robert Fletcher, of the town of Halifax, are desired to take notice that the effects of the said Fletcher, stand attached at the suit of Watson & Rashleigh, (Sir Brock Watson for many years a resident in this "province, and who, after his removal to London, did a large business in this province) by virtue of a writ issued out of the Supreme Court of this province, and that payments are accordingly to be made to the subscriber.

Wm. SHAW, Sheriff. "Halifax, February, 19th, 1782."

He, however, recovered, and his advertisements appear in the Gazette for several years longer.

Henry, on September 4th, 1770, resumed the publication of the Gazette, with which he also incorporated his own paper. The title of the Gazette under the new management was " The Nova Scotia Gazette and Weekly Chronicle." Tuesday was the day of publication, and the form and size were the same as of the Gazette when published by Fletcher. The annual subscription price was fixed at ten shillings, and the office of publication was Sackville Street, to which, by the way, Henry had removed from George Street early in 1769. Thenceforward the Gazette and its publisher seem to have enjoyed a fair measure of prosperity unbroken by any untoward event.

Comparing the Gazette of say 1772 with its issues of twenty years before, there is admittedly a marked improvement. From a half sheet of foolscap it had grown into a full sheet crown folio, or almost trebled in size. Comparing it too with other papers published about the same time, in Boston and other colonial cities, it by no means appears to bad advantage. But still it was about as much unlike a modern newspaper as can well be imagined. Telegrams--the very soul of a modern newspaper--it of course had none. Editorials it had none. Of local news there was but the smallest quantity,--on an average not more than twenty lines a week. Birth and marriage notices, the most interesting to lady readers of the whole newspaper, were not permitted. For thirty years of the Gazette, the only local marriage notice I can find is the following: "Married, Sunday evening, 10th Dec., 1769, William Allan, Esq., of Cumberland, to Mrs. Jane Slayter, of this town." And as for birth notices, except of Royal or noble parents, they were never thought of. Even death notices were limited to persons of distinction. The correspondents very seldom discussed local or even live matters. On the other hand, the great proportion of the Gazette of last century was filled with matter that the modern journalist abhors with a loathing that cannot be uttered. Official proclamations, correspondence, etc., were invariably published in extenso, with all their tedious verbosity. And as if to intensify the uninteresting, the spring, summer and autumn poets were actually encouraged, and accorded liberal space! Only two departments the newspaper of a century or more ago and the newspaper of to-day possessed in common--shipping news and advertising. And by these, better than in any other way, do we learn from the Gazette of the changes that were taking place in the business and commerce of the city in which it was published. Turning to the advertising columns of the Gazette of 1772 and thereabouts, we find scarcely one of our advertising friends of twenty years before. They seem all to have passed away, either out of business, out of the city, or out of life. In their places we have new names that in turn disappear twenty years later on. Among the leading merchants who advertised in 1772 were Joseph Fairbanks, Thomas Cochran, William Allan, John Kerby, Alex. Brymer, Otto William Schwartz, John Fillis, Andrew Cuenod, Robert Fletcher, William Walsh, James Creighton, Thomas Pittman, who says his store is at "Irishtown," and Francis Boyd, "sign of the golden ball." Spanish River coals were offered for sale by no less than three parties, namely, Robert Milward, J.D. Challand, and Ephraim Whiston,-- the last named of whom describes his premises as situated "opposite Mauger & Butler's rum store." The price at which the coal was offered was "30 shillings a chaldron." In the hotel line, John Willis announces his occupation of the "Grand Pontac" ; William Fury keeps the "Crown Coffee House;" John Rider keeps a billiard table, and it is at his house all the sheriff's sales take place; William Sutherland keeps a house of entertainment at "The Salutation," opposite the Fish Market; while Samuel Albro informs "all gentlemen, travellers, and others," that he has opened "a house of entertainment for man and horse, in Halifax, at the house lately occupied by Waitstill Lewis." Henry Forster, "of the Royal Artillery," "next door to the printing office, Grafton St.," advertises to teach reading and writing; Edward John Batest Dupocca, calling himself, "a native of Quebec," offers to give "lessons in sword exercise, French language, and dancing." Benjamin Phippen is a book-binder and bookseller "on Prince St., opposite the Wheat Sheaf;" John Roach is a tailor in Argyle St., "next door but one to Hon. Richard Bulkeleys"; Richard Holmes keeps a livery stable; Philip Hammon and James Brown are auctioneers,-- first in partnership and afterwards separately; John Rea is a shoemaker; John Brooks, a carpenter, On Prince St., and John Gosbee on Grafton St., a brewer. Then there are country advertisements of which the Gazette of 1752 knew nothing. Handley Chipman, of Cornwallis, advertises no less than five lots of land for sale. Francis DeLesdernier, of Windsor, offers for sale " a neat coach, with harness, and two horses"; John Butler advertises that he has opened a shop in Windsor; Christopher Prince, of Annapolis Royal, who "proposes to return to Boston," offers six farms for sale in Annapolis County,--one of which said farms he calls "Mount Pleasant," another --the "Bell Farm," another--the "Belle-isle Farm," and another is said to comprise "Goat Island." John Cunningham offers for sale a number of lots on the new road to Windsor; Giles Tidmarsh, "at the victualling office for the army," offers a farm of 1,200 acres in Falmouth, for sale--"the farm" then "occupied by Robert Walker"; while in the early issues of 1773, there is an advertisement of nearly half a column in length, of "Races," to take places "at the Windsor fair," on June 15th and 16th following : one plate of £20, and another of £10 are to be run for,--the competition to be confirmed to "native bred horses." Joseph Peters offers Cornwallis Island for sale for £1,000 stg.; and there is also offered to be let "an island in the mouth of Northwest Arm, known as Russell's Island," said to be "lately occupied by Nathan Nathans," in the fishing business. Islands known as "Carroll's Island" and "Blois' Island," said to be in the south-east passage of the harbor were also in the market about the same time.

Probate notices also formed a considerable proportion of the advertisements in the period of which we write. Eleanor DesLesdernier, as administratrix of the late "Mr. Paul Prichard and Mrs. Martha Prichard," publishes the usual notice. So also do Richard Jacobs and George Bayers, as executors of John Diel; and Rebecca Gerrish as executrix, and Giles Tidmarsh as her attorney, call for settlement of the business of the late Benjamin Gerrish, as well as of the firm of Gerrish & Gray. Miss Catherine Zouberbuhler and Joseph Pernette give notices as executors of the late Hon. Sebastian Zouberbuhler; and John Creighton administers on the estate of the late Dr. Alexander Abercrombie of Halifax; William Allan on the estate of William Foys; John Lawson on the estate of Daniel Shatford; and Mary Neal on the estate of "Henry Neal, late of Chester."

John Fillis and Mary Pierpont, as executor and executrix of the late Joseph Pierpont, in July 1773, publish the following:--

"To be sold by public auction, at the house of Mr. John Rider, on Tuesday "the 27th day of July next, at 12 o'clock (if not sold at private sale before), all the "real estate of the late Mr. Joseph Pierpont, consisting of a wharf with a large and small store on said wharf; also his farm lot situate between the Navy Yard and the Common; also one lot of 20 acres above Mr. Maugers distill house; and one house lot adjoining to the dwelling-house of Mr. Abraham Boyer…parcel of ox yokes and bows, three large blocks, some window frames and sashes; also a negro named Prince to be sold at private sale!"

The fact that Prince was reserved for private sale when everything else was being sold by auction, is suggestive. We have seen how, twety-one years before, Joseph Mauger had no compunctions about selling off a lot of slaves to the highest bidder. But the advertisement quoted indicates that as early as 1773 there existed in certain quarters, a feeling of repugnance to offering human beings at public auction.

In this connection, it may be observed that a considerable revenue must have been derived by the newspapers of that time in advertising runaway slaves. To judge by the number of these advertisements, running away was the principal occupation of the slaves of that period. The following will serve as a sample:--

"Ran away from her master, John Rock, on Monday, the 18th day of August last, a negro girl named Thursday, about 4 ½ feet high, broad set, with a lump over her right eye. Had on when she ran away a red cloth petticoat, a red baize bed-gown, and a red ribbon about her head. Whoever may harbor said negro girl, or encourage her to stay away from her said master, may depend on being prosecuted as the law directs; and whoever may be so kind as to take her up and send her home to her said master, shall be paid all costs and charges, together with two dollars reward for their trouble."

Whether or not poor "Thursday" was ever recovered, we do not know; but if she was, we cannot but feel that she had herself largely to blame, in being so foolish as to attempt her escape in so conspicuous an outfit.

Of government and quasi-government advertisements there was a fair measure.

Joseph Woodmas, as Receiver-General, gives notice that he will collect the quit rents for 1772, from the proprietors of lands in the townships named, as follows:-- "On September 29th, he will be in Windsor, at the house of Joseph Wilson; at Falmouth, the 2nd and 3rd October, at the house of John Bishop, junior; and at Cornwallis, the 7th and 8th, at the house of Samuel Beckwith."

Geo. Henry Monk, as "Clerk" of the Supreme Court, gives notice that at Hilary yerm, A.D. 1773, judgment was given "upon a writ of partition returned from the township of Falmouth in the County of King's County," and all absentees are required to take exception thereto within one year, or stand precluded. And Richard Gibbons, junr. "Clerk of Escheats and Forfeiture," gives notices from time to time of inquisition about to be made or made regarding certain grants. In one of these notices, dated 8t May, 1773, the rights of Thomas Parker as grantee of lot No. 98 in Falmouth, and of Constantine Dogherty as grantee of lot No. 23 in Amherst, are declared escheated to the Crown. And for some cause, the Commissioner of Sewers of that time appear to have experienced considerable difficulty in collecting the rates assessed by them. Notices appear signed by Eben Fitch, Elisha Freeman, and Simon Newcomb, Commissioners of Sewers for Amherst; by Phineas Lovitt and Henry Evans, Commissioners for Annapolis; and Lebbaeus Harris, Robert Avery, Amos Rathbun, and Charles Dickson, Commissioners for Horton, offering for sale lots of land in their respective districts on which the "rates assessed by the Commissioners of Sewers" had not been paid.

Then there are advertisements of a miscellaneous character, not wanting in historic interest. A Mr. Legge (spells his name the same as Governor Legge. Was probably a relative.) gives notice of his intention "to write a natural and political history of this province upon a plan entirely new and original." He asks for "hints and assistance" from the public. Letters for him are to be directed to "Mrs. Blagdon's, the corner of Turnagain Lane, on the beach." A few weeks later he returns thanks for the information furnished him, and would be glad to be favored with the names of the several governors, lieutenant-governors, and commanders-in-chief, their rank in the army or navy, the beginning and ending of their respective governments, of what family descended, and their arms, in the technical terms of heraldry." From the kind of information asked for, some idea can be formed of "the plan entirely new and original," upon which Mr. Legge proposed to write his history. We should, I think, feel thankful that he never carried out his intention.

The following advertisement shows how they then provided for the poor:--

Halifax, April 10th, 1773. "For the benefit of the poor of the town, on Friday next will be performed A COMEDY called "The Suspicious Husband," to which will be added "The Citizen." The play to begin at 6 o'clock. Tickets to be had at Mr. Willis'. Price 2s. 6d."

And here is another from the Gazette of September 29th, 1772, indicative of the troubles incident to publishing a newspaper in Halifax at that time: --

"The printer of this paper hereby informs the public that the newspapers sent him from England and from different parts of the continent, having been frequently taken up and detained by some indifferent person or persons in this town, which has a tendency, not only to suppress articles of intelligence that might be of material consequence to many individuals, if not to the public-but also proves greatly detrimental to this paper, on which his chief dependence lies for a livelihood, that being the source from whence alone he can be supplied. And it is requested as a favor that the person who took up his last packet of papers which came by Capt. Arnold, from Boston, last week, will return it, as it contained matter of consequence to him , exclusive of the newspapers. He likewise begs that for the future no person will attempt the taking and detaining his papers, as he is determined to prosecute every future act of that sort to the utmost rigor of the law."

Evidently Her Majesty's mail and postal service, with all its defects and delays, would produce a very much worse state of affairs by its withdrawal.

In this connection it may be mentioned that while there was a post office in Halifax as early as 1770 (of which James Stevens was postmaster) there does not appear to have been any regular postal communication between this province and the outside world before 1784, when the old monthly packets between Falmouth and New York, via Halifax, were first established. As to internal postal communication, that came even later.

We have already alluded to the absence of all kinds of local news from the Gazette in its early days. From 1772 forward, there was however, a gradual improvement in this respect, though so gradual as to be hardly perceptible. In June, 1773, there appeared the first attempt at an obituary notice, of the modern kind. It is worth reproducing:-- "Sunday last, the 20th inst., about twelve o'clock, at noon, departed this life, Daniel Shatford, aged 65. He was many years a schoolmaster in New York, from whence he came to this place about the second year after its settlement, and in a short time after set up a school in this town, which he continued to the day of his death, and in which service, notwithstanding his age and great infirmities occasioned by the severest afflictions of the gout, for a series of years, his assiduity, as well as charity in teaching the poor children gratis--has been equalled by few, and perhaps exceeded by none. He hath left, besides his own distressed family, a great number of scholars, both infants as well as grown people, to lament this public loss."

About the same time there also appeared the first attempt at what in the modern newspaper is important a feature, namely, country correspondence. This is a letter from Falmouth, giving an account of the celebration of the Feast of St. Aspinquid at that place the year before, and urging the due observance of the then approaching festival. The writer says: --

"What immortal honor has Nova Scotia acquired from the due observance of the anniversary feast of the great, the good, the wise, the just, the pious and most exemplary Saint Aspinquid! The other colonies justly revere his memory and piously keep the festival ; but this can boast of its most numerous converts. Every year produces a great many new votaries to this most excellent pattern of saintship. Here we behold English, Welsh, Caledonians, Hibernians, Gauls, Dutch, Germans, Russians, Swiss, etc., etc., all meeting together on this memorable occasion, perfectly united in principle and sentiment, to celebrate the praises of an American saint. How pleasing the sight! How happy the day, where his pious and immortal memory is duly and reverently observed according to the rubrick of our American ancestors."

The writer then proceeds to tell how the previous year, notwithstanding certain adverse circumstances, " a numerous company" of the saint's votaries met "at Brother York's in Falmouth and kept "the feast in the usual manner." He then proceeds: "Now as this new moon in the month of May, and as every one is not furnished with Lilius' almanac, in which the day is marked in capitals, the brethren are hereby informed that it falls out this year on Friday the 28th inst."

The letter concludes: --

"As the number of Aspindquidians is greatly increased, and as the company this year will be too numerous to be entertained at one house, it is determined by the stewards appointed on this occasion that there be two places of resort at Sandwich River: one at Captain Jordan's, the other at Nathan Ben Saddi Nathan's, where everything necessary will be provided for the celebration of this grand festival."

Sandwich River, it may be explained, was the old name of the North-west Arm, where the Aspindquidians had been accustomed for years to celebrate the festival of their saint. The Gazette of three years previously contains an extended report of the St. Aspinquid celebration of 1770. From this we quote: "On Thursday last, being the 31st of May, the festival of St. Aspinquid was celebrated at North-west Arm at Mr. Nathan's and Mr. Jordan's , both fishermen, whose elegant dinners at both places were provided, consisting of various kinds of fish, etc. After dinner at Mr. Nathan's were discharged a number of cannon, and at Mr. Jordan's muskets, and many loyal toasts were drunk in honor of the day; at Mr. Jordan's the toasts, after the usual manner, were the twelve sachem chiefs of the twelve tribes who were general friends and allies of the English."

The facts, as far as ascertainable, connected with the origin of this remarkable myth of Saint Aspinquid, "the grand sachem of all the Northern Indian tribes," the observance of a day in his honor, and the peculiar ceremonies and solemnities connected with the festival, would together make an excellent subject for some learned and painstaking member of our Society to investigate; and a carefully prepared paper on the subject would, I feel assured, be of interest far beyond the confines of this province.

The revolt in the thirteen colonies to the south of us, resulting as it did, brought to this province a large accession of population. Contrary to all historical precedents, the successful faction in that struggle, after the war was over, proscribed and banished those of their countrymen, who, differing from them in opinion as to the best means of redressing existing grievances, refused to join in the movement that has been so well described by the late Hon. Joseph Howe as "falling on the rear of Britain when her front was presented to hostile Europe in a struggle for the liberties of the world." Not those alone who fought or took an active part against them, but all who in any way were suspected of any loyalist leanings, were deprived of all civic rights, had their property confiscated, and were themselves with their families driven forth into exile, -- an exile of which it can be truly said, as it could not be truly said in the case of which it was originally written, that it was "without an end, and without an example in story." Among those thus "robbed and spoiled," proscribed and banished for their fidelity to the idea of a united empire, were several whose names will be ever honorably conspicuous in the annals of British American journalism. Among those loyal exiles were Mrs. Margaret Draper, the journalistic heroine, who, inheriting the old Newsletter through the death of her husband in 1774, kept that pioneer American journal staunch and firm in its allegiance to the empire until the day when the British evacuated Boston, 17th March, 1776, when she gathered up her presses and types and came to Halifax with them. With her came John Howe, of whom we shall have more to say further on. And with him came his younger brother-in-law, William Minns, as well as young McKinistry, one of a family of ten children driven out of Salem, merely because his father, a physician, had dressed a loyalist's wounds! And at the same time came Nathaniel Mills, the grand uncle of Hon. David Mills, who only anticipated his formal banishment by a few months. After the peace there came to Shelburne the Robertsons, the Swords brothers, Nathaniel Mills (the same as came to Halifax in 1776. After coming to Halifax in 1776 he went to England, and from there he returned to New York and became associated with the Robertsons in the Royal American Gazette), and, last but not least, John Humphreys, the history of whose persecutions and hair-breadth escapes reads like a romance. It will not be possible, in what remains of this paper, to do more than state, in the briefest outline, the facts in connection with these journalistic loyalists, and their relations to Nova Scotian journalism. It may indeed be doubted whether their careers as newspaper publishers-extending as some of them did well into the present century, -- can be regarded as properly belonging to the history of our early journalism. However, any treatise on that subject would, in my judgment, be incomplete, were not reference made to some of them.

John Howe was born in Boston, October 14th, 1754. His father's name was Joseph Hoew, of whom Thomas says that "he was a reputable tradesman in Marshall's Lane." John was just "out of his time" as an apprentice to the printing trade, when Richard Draper died in 1774. After a brief partnership with John Boyle, -- who will be remembered as the Boston printer who purchased Fletcher's outfit, -- Mrs. Draper made young Howe a junior partner with her in the business, and gave to him the oversight of the printing office. He was in discharge of this duty when the rebels besieged Boston in the autumn of 1775. When the evacution was determined on, in the March following, Howe took with him Miss Martha Minns, a young girl of 16, to whom he was engaged, and was married to her at Newport on the way to Halifax. What he did during the first three years of his residence here, we do not know. In 1780, however, he occupied a printing office on the corner of Sackville and Grafton Street. Here, on Friday, January 5th, 1781, he published the first issues of the Halifax Journal-a paper that continued to be published regularly in this city until about 1870. Mr. Hoew was its sole publisher until 1793, when he took McKinistry into partnership with him. This partnership only lasted for two years. Mr. Howe then resumed sole management until his appointment as King's printer in 1801, when he associated his sons with him in the business. The Journal remained the property of the Howe family until 1819, when it was sold to John Munro, (Mr. Munro was born in Halifax in 1788,-- his father, a Scotchman, being at that time connected with the Dockyard. At 12 years of age he was apprenticed to Mr. Minns, and worked in his printing office for nine years. He then became a clerk in the post office under John Howe, Senior. As occasion required he rendered assistance on the Journal and Gazette, and eventually became a partner with John Howe, Junior, in the business. In 1819 he became a proprietor of the Journal, and continued to publish it regularly until 1850, when he sold out, and was appointed manager of the Merchants' Exchange Reading Room. He died suddenly April 28th, 1863.) who continued to publish it until 1850, when he sold out to William Penny. In 1801, as we have already intimated, Mr. Howe succeeded Anthony Henry as King's Printer. (Anthony Henry died suddenly on Monday, December 1st, 1800. His widow, who before her marriage was a Miss Margaret Miller, survived him by 26 years. He had two daughters, only one of who survived him. She married a Mr. Roxby, and was the mother of Mrs. Stevens of Rockingham.) After that, for 14 years or so, the Howes appear to have printed both the Gazette and the Journal. In 1803 Mr. Howe was appointed Postmaster of Halifax, and Deputy Postmaster-General for the province, succeeding Joseph Peters in both offices. And in 1815 he was appointed, with Messrs. Pyke and Liddell, a police magistrate for the city. All these offices-King's Printer, postmaster and magistrate-he continued to hold many years. His death occurred 29th December, 1835,--a few months after he had seen his youngest son, Nova Scotia's greatest journalist, carried home in triumph by the Halifax populace, after having gained a signal victory on behalf of the liberty and independence of the press of his province. He was in his 82nd year. Of him it can be truly said that he died full of years and honors.

William Minns was a mere lad when he came to Halifax with the other loyal Bostonians. For four years after the Halifax Journal was started, he set type for his brother-in law in the office of that paper. But, on coming of age, he started out for himself. On Saturday, the 28th May, 1786, he published the first issue of the Weekly Chronicle, and continued to publish it regularly till his death, over forty years later. The Weekly Chronicle completed the trio of papers published in Halifax a hundred years ago; and for a quarter of a century thereafter the three papers,-- the Gazette, the Journal, and the Weekly Chronicle,--continued to supply the demand for journalism that existed in eastern Nova Scotia. (While the only papers published continuously throughout the period mentioned, the three papers named were not the only papers published in Halifax within the quarter century following 1786. There is reason to believe that Henry published a German newspaper for a brief period during 1787-8, though, so far as I know, no copies of it are extant. Gay & Merlin, who succeeded to Henry's business, started in 1801 a newspaper called The Nova-Scotia Gazette and Weekly Advertiser, the publication of which was continued until some time in 1806. The Novater, a small literary paper, was also published by James Bagnall during 1809 and 1810. And the Halifax Telegraph, published by Charles S. Powell, was first issued on Monday, July 20th, 1807. I have the first number, but cannot say how long it was published. All the three last named papers were printed on Sackville Street.) There was no "war" among these journalistic brethren, no rivalry, no controversy. It is doubtful if there was even jealousy. The "peace with God and the world," that Longfellow attributes to his ideal Acadian peasants, was truly theirs. It was not indeed, until Anthony Henry Holland entered the arena with his Acadian Recorder in 1813, followed by Edmund Ward with the Free Press in 1816, that the waters became disturbed, and Halifax journalism began to exhibit its modern characteristics. Mr. Minns died January 17th, 1827, in his sixty-fifth year. He left one daughter, who married Thomas Godfrey, a number of whose descendants are still with us. For several years before his death, he was one of the justices of the Commissioners' Court, that met quarterly, and had jurisdiction within the city analagous to the City Civil Court of to-day. People are still living who remember him,--a dignified, portly gentleman, with powdered wig, worsted hose, and silver shoe buckles,--who, whether serving a customer in his little stationery store on Barrington Street, "opposite the north-east corner of the parade," or as an enthusiastic fireman directing matters at a fire, or as a magistrate of the Commissioners' Court, was always characterized by the courtesy and honor of a gentleman of the olden time.

It is an interesting circumstance, one that illustrates in a striking manner the vicissitudes to which loyalties as well as individuals are subject, that Shelburne, which to-day is one of the few shire towns in the province in which no newspaper is published, a century ago supported as many newspapers as Halifax did. One hundred years ago, we had in Halifax, as we have seen, three weekly newspapers. And one hundred years ago, Shelburne had exactly the same number. A small volume of these papers, containing a few copies of each, is in the archives of this Society. A few more copies are to be found in the library of the Historical Society of New York. And it is from these sources alone, fragmentary and incomplete, that we derive all the knowledge we now possess of the duration, character, and even the names of these papers. The Royal American Gazette appears to have been merely a continuation of the paper of the same name published in New York by James and Alexander Robertson and Nathaniel Mills, during the course of the revolutionary war. The Robertsons were, at the beginning of the war, partners with John Trumbull in the publication of the Norwich, Conn., Packet. Trumbull sympathizing with the rebels, and the Robertsons with the loyalists, the partnership was dissolved, and the Robertsons soon after found it advisable to take refuge within the British lines. Retiring to New York City, they there established The Royal American Gazette in 1776, being joined a year or so later by Nathaniel Mills. After the peace, both the Robertsons and Mills came to Shelburne, where they continued the publication of the Gazette. But not for many years. Alexander Robertson died soon after his arrival in Shelburne; Mills returned to the United States before the end of the century; and James Robertson, with Alexander's son, James junior, went home to Scotland, and in 1810 both were engaged in printing and bookselling in Edinburgh.

The Post Roseway Gazette and the Shelburne Advertiser was the second paper established in Shelburne. It was first published in October, 1784, and was being published regularly in 1787. It was printed by James Robertson, junior, for T. & J. Swords.(In 1796, "T.& J. Swords" were doing business as printers and booksellers at No. 99 Pearl St., New York.) It, and the R.A. Gazette, probably both ceased publication when the Robertsons left for Scotland.

The Nova Scotia Packet and General Advertiser was Shelburne's third paper. It was first issued in April, 1785, and is believed to have been published til 1796 or thereabouts. It was printed by James Humphreys, who, before the war, was the owner of a printing office in Philadelphia, and published The Pennsylvania Ledger. His loyalist sympathies led to his office being sacked, his family being imprisoned and maltreated, and himself hunted out of the State. He, like the Robertsons, sought protection within the British lines in New York, whence, after the peace, he came to Shelburne, and, as we have seen, published a paper there for several years. In his old age he returned to Philadelphia, where he died in 1810.

Before the end of the 18th century, the last of the Shelburne newspapers had ceased publication, and their publishers had gone to other lands. So that when the 18th century closed on this fair province, there were but three weekly newspapers published within it, with an aggregate circulation of not more than 2,000. From 2,000 papers a week to 140,000-which is about the weekly output of papers from the various presses of this province to-day-seems a marvellous expansion; but I am convinced that it no more than measures the extent of the combined improvement in the material and intellectual condition of the people of this country in the same period. Nova Scotian journalism from 1752 to 1810 was a small affair, compared to what it has since become; but it probably suited the people and the times just as well as does the journalism of to-day, and the men engaged in it placed the province under too great an obligation for us to permit their names to be forgotten, or their services to the purposes of the Society, to remain unrecognized and unhonored.

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