|
 |
Introduction
Consider the following scenario:
A nine-year-old boy walks into a shop and buys a packet
of potato chips. An eight-year-old girl walks into the same shop and buys
a chocolate bar. Nothing particularly unusual except this particular packet
of potato chips poses the question "Is there a spicy £100,000 inside?"
in big letters on the front of the packet with the added rider "1000's
of real £5 notes to be won!" The bar of chocolate offers "£1 million
in cash prizes — win instantly. Look inside to see if youre
a winner!!" The boy opens up the bag of crisps but it contains nothing
but crisps. He is very disappointed. The little girl opens up the chocolate
bar and sees the all-too-familiar phrase "Sorry. You haven't won this
time but keep trying. Remember there's £1 million in cash prizes to be
won." She too is very disappointed. Both of them decide to buy the
product again to see if their luck will change. It doesn't. This time
a different chocolate bar reads, "Sorry this is not a winning bar.
Better luck next time!" The most they are likely to win is another
packet of crisps or chocolate.
This scenario describes a typical instant-win product
(a consumer buys a particular product with the chance of instantly winning
something else of financial value). This type of instant-win marketing
has been around for some time and is not particularly new, but many companies
(particularly in the U.K.) appear to be aiming it at a younger age group.
In a different environment, it could be argued that these two children
are "chasing" their losses in the same way gamblers chase theirs.
After losing money in gambling activities, gamblers often
gamble again straight away or return another day in order to get even.
This is commonly referred to as "chasing" one's losses. Chasing is symptomatic
of problem gambling and is often characterized by unrealistic optimism
on the gambler's part. All bets are made in an effort to recoup their
losses (Lesieur, 1984). The result is that instead of "cutting their losses"
gamblers get deeper into debt. They preoccupy themselves with gambling,
determined that a big win will repay their loans and solve all their problems.
Although not on this scale, the scenario outlined at the start of this
paper appears to be a chasing-like experience akin to that found in gambling.
To children, this type of behaviour as a whole appears to be a gambling-type
experience and is similar to other gambling pre-cursors that have been
highlighted in the literature such as the playing of marbles and card
flipping (Griffiths, 1989; 1995).
Products like crisps and chocolate are popular and appeal
not only to the young but to adults too. However, the fact that such promotions
are often coupled with the appearance of teenage idols (e.g. famous pop
groups such as the Spice Girls, or top soccer sporting heroes) suggests
that it is the younger generation that is being targeted. Whether this
is a deliberate ploy or whether it is a coincidence remains to be seen.
Other manufacturers include free gifts (e.g. stickers, tazos, stand-up
cards, etc.) aimed directly at the under-14 market. Many of these children
buy these products in the hope they will get one of the free gifts. Like
the offer of instant cash prizes, these promotions advise in the small
print on the back that "no purchase is necessary."
Manufacturers of instant-win products claim that people
buy their products because customers want them. They further claim that
the appeal of a promotion is secondary to the appeal of the product. This
may well be true with most people but instant-win promotions obviously
increase sales otherwise so many companies would not resort to them in
the first place. It would appear that most people have no problem on moral
(or other) grounds with companies who use this type of promotion. However,
there are those (such as those who work in the area of youth gambling)
who wonder whether this type of promotion in some way exploits a group
of people that may be vulnerable (i.e. children and adolescents). The
question to ask is whether young children and adolescents are actually
engaging in a form of gambling by buying these types of products.
Gambling is normally defined as the staking of money (or
something of financial value) on the uncertain outcome of a future event.
Technically, instant-win promotions are not a form of gambling because
the manufacturers are required by law to state that no purchase is necessary.
This whole practice it is little more than a lottery except that in small
letters at the bottom of the packet there is the added phrase "No purchase
necessary — see back for details." However, few people would notice
this, and furthermore, the likelihood is that most people would not take
the steps to enter the draw this way — particularly children and
adolescents.
The small print usually reads: "No purchase necessary.
Should you wish to enter this promotion without purchasing a promotional
pack, please send your name and address clearly printed on a plain piece
of paper. If you are under 18, please ask a parent or guardian to sign
your entry. An independently supervised draw will be made on your behalf,
and should you be a winner, a prize will be sent to you within 28 days."
This author has tried writing to companies to ascertain how many people
utilize this route but (to date) has been unsuccessful in gaining any
further information. It is highly likely that few people write to the
companies concerned. There is also a high likelihood that the companies
have the empirical evidence but, unfortunately, it is not available in
the public domain. If it is assumed that the number of people who actually
write to the companies for their names to be put into an independently
supervised draw is low, it can be argued that, for all intents and purposes,
people who buy instant-win products are engaged in a form of gambling.
Instant-win promotions as gambling precursors
Since the introduction of the U.K. National Lottery and
instant scratchcards in the mid-1990s, a something-for-nothing culture
appears to have developed. Children are growing up in an environment where
gambling is endemic — a situation which certainly didn't exist before
the introduction of the National Lottery. In the U.K. national press,
Nick Rhines of the Institute of Sales Promotions asserted that "as a result
of the National Lottery, the nation has gone gambling mad. People aren't
interested any more in collecting things to win prizes — the market
has been driven by instant-wins." (The Sunday Mirror, October 19,
1998, p.23).
Having examined a variety of instant-win promotions, this
author is in little doubt that they should be viewed as gambling precursors
in that they are gambling-like experiences without being a form of gambling
with which people can identify. It is not likely that great numbers of
children will develop a problem with this activity, but the potential
concern is that a small minority will. Research has consistently shown
that the earlier a child starts to gamble the more likely he or she is
to develop a gambling problem (Huxley & Carroll, 1992; Fisher, 1993;
Winters, Stinchfield & Fulkerson, 1993; Griffiths, 1995; Gupta &
Derevensky, 1998)
Evidence that instant-win products are problematic to
young children is mostly anecdotal. For instance, this author recently
appeared on a U.K. television programme (Espresso) with a mother
and her two children (aged nine and 10) who literally spent all their
disposable income on instant-win promotions. These two children had spent
hundreds of pounds of their pocket money in the hope of winning the elusive
prizes offered but never won more than another bag of potato chips. The
mother claimed they had "the gambling bug," and was "terrified they will
have problems when they grow up." She claimed she had done her utmost
to stop them using their pocket money in this way but as soon as her back
was turned they were off to the local corner shop to buy instant-win products.
This wasn't just restricted to products they themselves enjoyed; for instance,
when they went to the supermarket to shop, the children just filled up
the shopping trolley with anything having an instant-win promotion, including
tins of cat food — even though they didn't have a cat!
Policy recommendations for instant-win products
Harsh critics of instant-win promotions might advocate
a complete banning of these types of marketing endeavours. However, this
is impractical if not somewhat over the top. What is more, there is no
empirical evidence (to date) that there is a problem. However, this does
not mean that such practices should not be monitored. Instant-win marketing
appears to be on the increase and it may be that young children are particularly
vulnerable to this type of promotion, if anecdotal case study accounts
are anything to go by. Furthermore, such gambling-type experiences further
reinforce and socially condition young people that we live in a "something-for-nothing"
type culture. In addition, there are other types of practice now occurring
that appear of equal potential concern. For instance, free scratchcard
giveaways with newspapers and magazines. These require that readers (often
in their early teens) scratch off the panels of the free scratchcards
and then ring a premium rate telephone number to see if they have won
a prize. There is a likelihood that some of these children will develop
a craving for "the real thing" when they get older. Children easily get
caught up in crazes and free scratchcard promotions are a good example
of this.
In order to start addressing this potential problem, this
author proposes some recommendations:
- Companies should not directly or indirectly target
young people with instant-win promotions, particularly on products like
potato chips and chocolate, which are universally popular amongst children
and which appear to be within a childs own small disposable income.
- Scratchcards should not be given away with newspapers
and/or magazines with a predominantly adolescent readership.
- The case could be made for manufacturers to give as
much information as possible about the product itself on the product
label so that people can make informed choices about whether they buy
the product in the first place or make a purchase for the chance of
winning something. Although instant-win promotions state (in the small
print) the number of possible prizes to win, there is no mention of
the odds of winning. Admittedly, many people may not take much notice
of this and young people may not understand odds and probabilities of
winning anyway. However, the U.K. operators of the National Lottery
are required to produce the prize structure, so why shouldn't instant-win
promoters be required to do the same? At the least, people would know
the chances of winning a particular prize.
Prize draws
In addition to instant-win promotions, prize draws also
appear to be an important part of the marketing culture in the U.K., with
companies appearing to be tapping into this newfound appetite for gambling
and instant wins. Most prize draws appear to be a variation on a theme:
retail outlets provide a leaflet in which the person simply has to fill
out their name and address and/or answer a simple quiz-type question and
send it back to the company with the chance to win products or prizes.
These can either be picked up in the retail store itself or may come directly
via the mail. Although there is a perception that most of the adult British
public has become wary of junk mail and in-store promotions, there is
clearly an appetite for prize draws. Again, like instant-win products,
prize draws are not problematic in themselves but they again play on people's
something-for-nothing mentality, which contributes to the developing "instant-win"
culture. The chances of winning on prize draws, while slim, are still
much better than the odds of winning the U.K. National Lottery. What's
more, it has been estimated that at any one time a total of £5 million
in instant-win prizes is available to be won. If few people enter such
draws then the probabilities of winning can be quite good.
A vast majority of people view prize draws as innocuous
but they have not gone unnoticed by the U.K. regulatory bodies, having
been independently investigated by both the Office of Fair Trading (OFT)
and the U.K. telephone watchdog, for attempting to dupe a seemingly gullible
public. Little seems to be known about the prize draw market, a view that
was echoed in a paper by the OFT in September 1996 (Gambling, Competitions
and Prize Draws) which listed the approximate percentage of money
received by promoters and paid out in prizes. All parts of the gaming
industry were listed except for the draws that had "insufficient data."
Clearly, prize draws (unlike instant-win products) are not forms of gambling,
although they clearly have similarities with gambling as outlined above.
Policy recommendations for prize draws
At present in the U.K., the field (like that of instant
wins) is relatively unregulated and obviously plays on people's desires
to get something for nothing. The system is open to abuse; therefore tougher
measures are required. If the general public gets conned there is little
that can be done about it. The OFT does not regulate prize draws as such
nor does any public authority. We need something like the U.K. National
Lottery Commission to regulate this field. Further recommendations in
this area could include:
- a stronger obligation to publish details of the winners
(not personal details but general details)
- a clear statement from the outset that some prizes
may not be awarded
- the legal stipulation that entry into a prize draw
should not be described as a prize
- one-off call fees for premium-rate telephone competitions
rather than paying by the minute
- the legal stipulation that competitions should not
be aimed at children and adolescents
- the legal stipulation that customers should not pay
above the going rate for a product because of the draw
- the legal stipulation that customers should not have
to pay for the pleasure from the gamble (i.e. buying the pleasure along
with the product).
References
- Fisher, S.E. (1993).
- Gambling and pathological gambling in adolescence. Journal of Gambling
Studies, 9, 277–287.
- Griffiths, M.D. (1989).
- Gambling in children and adolescents. Journal of Gambling Behavior,
5 , 66–83.
- Griffiths, M.D. (1995).
- Adolescent Gambling. London: Routledge.
- Gupta, R. & Derevensky, J.L. (1998).
- Adolescent gambling behavior: A prevalence study and an examination
of the correlates associated with problem gambling. Journal of Gambling
Studies, 14, 319–345.
- Huxley, J. & Carroll, D. (1992).
- A survey of fruit machine gambling in adolescents. Journal of Gambling
Studies, 8, 167–179.
- Lesieur, H.R. (1984).
- The Chase: Career of the Compulsive Gambler. Cambridge, MA:
Schenkman Books.
- Office of Fair Trading. (1996).
- Gambling, Competitions and Prize Draws. London: Author.
- Winters, K.C., Stinchfield, R.D. & Fulkerson, J. (1993).
- Patterns and characteristics of adolescent gambling. Journal of
Gambling Studies, 9, 371–386.
|
 |