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Estimating the Economic Costs of the Abuse
of Tobacco, Alcohol and Illicit Drugs: A Review of Methodologies and Canadian
Data Sources Abstract The study of economic costs of substance abuse, namely, abuse of tobacco,
alcohol and illicit drugs, can provide important information for setting
good public health policies. This review paper provides a list of previous
cost studies of substance abuse, compares the cost categories considered
by various methodologies and describes an inventory of data sources for
obtaining relevant information for cost studies. Investigators will find
this paper useful as an introduction to the literature in this area, for
designing a list of cost categories to consider in a particular study
and for identifying relevant data sources. Introduction There is a need for estimates of the economic costs of substance abuse.1-4 It has been well established that the use of alcohol, tobacco and other drugs involves a large number of adverse health and social consequences. In most countries, there is a specific national policy for the regulation of these psychoactive substances. Because the justification for special regulation is the economic and social costs, and also because economic policy instruments are used in the regulation of these substances, it makes good sense to have sound estimates of the economic costs of substance abuse. This paper reviews and summarizes the methodologies suggested by a number of recently published papers in both the medical and economic literature on the costs of substance abuse. It provides concepts and background knowledge to investigators who are interested in estimating these costs. For the purposes of this paper, substance abuse includes the excessive use of alcohol, tobacco and illicit drugs (ATD). Legal prescription drugs (pharmaceuticals) are not included. Abuse or misuse of pharmaceuticals is responsible for significant economic costs, but it is extremely difficult to obtain relevant information since very little research has been done on the abuse of prescription drugs. The definition of substance abuse is rarely attempted in the literature, and those definitions that are available are not usually expressed in economic terms. Based on the definition of Collins and Lapsley,1 our study defines substance abuse as any substance use that involves a net social cost additional to the resource costs of the provision of that substance. Thus, the costs include the complete set of problems associated with the use of psychoactive substances, rather than just those costs associated with physical dependence or heavy use. Previous Studies Estimating Economic Costs of Substance Abuse As there are many published cost studies, it would be beyond the scope of this paper to review and compare them one by one. Therefore, only recently published review articles that established methods of cost estimation are considered. We identified four such articles. Rice et al.5 devised a list of economic costs for alcohol and drug abuse and mental illnesses in the US. Collins and Lapsley1 proposed a methodology to estimate the economic costs of drug abuse (ATD) in Australia. In another American setting, Manning et al.6 estimated the costs of poor health habits (smoking, drinking and sedentary lifestyles). Finally, French et al.7 suggested a conceptual framework to estimate the social costs of drug abuse. We must point out that the last article7 was a theoretical paper and did not review or establish methods of cost estimation. However, we included it in our study because of its unique and innovative contributions to the different categories of costs, such as the concept of avoidance behaviour costs for families, communities and victims of crime in terms of educational and public service efforts and programs. A list of the cost studies and pertinent theoretical papers reviewed by the four above-mentioned articles is given in Tables 1A, 1B and 1C sorted by substance (alcohol, tobacco or illegal drugs) and year of publication, and then by alphabetical order of authors. In addition, several cost studies not reviewed by those four articles were also included, having been identified in a literature search. The tables are intended to be a resource tool for researchers in this domain. |
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Differences among Previous Studies Previous cost studies have differed in their point of view, the types of costs included and the basic methodology employed. These differences are briefly outlined below, illustrating the types of decisions that must be made at the outset of a cost study. A major distinction among cost studies is what viewpoint the study takes. Among the major review articles, the ones by Rice et al.,5 Collins and Lapsley1 and French et al.7 took society's point of view; therefore all costs, both internal (costs borne by the substance user and possibly their family) and external (costs borne by those not using the substance), were included. The cost to society resulting from premature mortality, estimated by the value of foregone production, was incorporated in these studies. Transfers within society, such as social welfare payments, were not included because society's total resources did not change as a result of these transfers; the resources were simply redistributed. On the other hand, the costs of administering transfer payments attributable to substance abuse were included because this portion of administrative costs were resources that would not have been consumed in the absence of substance abuse. In contrast, the review by Manning et al.6 considered only the costs that were external to substance users and their families. Thus, in this case, loss of wages due to premature mortality was considered as an internal cost and therefore excluded, whereas transfers from non-users to users via collectively financed programs (such as pension plans and group life insurance) were included. A third point of view often of interest is that of the government. This is the viewpoint considered in most budgetary impact analyses, such as the one included in the Collins and Lapsley report.1 Such studies consider revenue from excise taxes, customs duties and income taxes, in addition to costs to health care and justice systems. Another primary difference among previous studies has been whether costs alone were considered or whether costs and benefits (i.e. net costs) were considered. Cost-of-illness studiesa major type of cost studiesestimate only the costs of substance use.5,7,12,16,140-142 This encompasses direct costs, where payment is made and resources are consumed (e.g. cost of hospital services, motor vehicle damage, justice services), and also indirect costs, where potential resources are foregone through premature mortality or absence from work. Since cost-of-illness studies assess only the costs of substance use, they have been criticized for being of limited usefulness.143,144 In contrast, the frameworks used by Collins and Lapsley1 and Manning et al.6 considered not only the costs, but also the economic benefits of substance use. For example, premature mortality decreases hospital and nursing home expenditures. Many studies, such as those of Rice et al.5 and Manning et al.,6 calculated only tangible costs, i.e. costs that could be valued in the marketplace. However, an economic evaluation is more complete if there is an explicit estimation of intangible costs, such as the cost of pain and suffering.7,79 Such costs are difficult to evaluate quantitatively, but French et al.7 suggested that utility valuation methods could be used, such as the quality-of-life method. Collins and Lapsley1 actually attempted an explicit calculation of various intangible costs in their review. A third way in which cost studies can differ fundamentally is in their choice of a "prevalence-based" model1,5 or an "incidence-based" model.6 In the former model, the costs resulting from past and present substance abuse are determined for a given year, based on the prevalence of mortality, morbidity and other relevant factors in that year. For example, Rice et al.5 determined costs based on the prevalence of hospitalization, crime, disability, etc. in the year of study that could be attributed to substance abuse. Mortality costs were also based on the prevalence of mortality in the same year, although they were valued as the present value of all future earnings of the deceased (i.e. the "human capital approach"). In another prevalence-based approach, the "demographic approach" (pioneered by Collins and Lapsley1), a hypothetical population free of substance abuse is constructed for the year of interest (i.e. a larger and healthier population) and the difference in production, health care usage, nursing home care, etc. between the actual and hypothetical populations is estimated. In terms of mortality costs, the human capital approach addresses the question "What does substance abuse today cost the economy this year and into the future?", while the demographic approach asks, "What has substance abuse in the past cost the economy this year?" Thus, the human capital and demographic approaches are complementary, not contradictory.145 The drawback of prevalence-based models is that, by measuring costs in the present year, they reflect the historical use of a substance. This is illustrated especially in the case of tobacco, which has a long delay between use and consequences. However, because of their simpler data requirement, prevalence-based models have been more widely adopted than incidence-based models. In contrast to the prevalence-based model, an incidence-based model estimates the present value of the lifetime costs of present substance use patterns. Thus, it can be used to predict the future effect of changes in current substance use patterns and, as such, is generally of greater interest to policy makers.146 The disadvantages of incidence-based models are that they are very sensitive to as yet unknown technological, demographic, medical and other changes, and that they require sophisticated data. The terms "private cost" and "social cost" are also used in the literature, although no universally accepted definitions are available. It is generally agreed that private costs, which are the costs the user must pay, are the same as internal costs. Many authors, such as Markandya and Pearce,93 and Collins and Lapsley,1 define social costs as those that are neither private nor internal. It must be noted, however, that the exact meaning of social costs must be made explicit, since some authors (such as Ellemann-Jensen,103 French et al.7 and Manning et al.6) define social costs as the sum of internal (costs incurred by the individuals engaging in the activity) and external costs (costs to others). Cost Categories Used in Existing Review Studies As discussed above, different methods have been used for cost estimation of substance abuse in the four major review studies identified. A comparison of the cost categories considered by these reviews is outlined in Tables 2A, 2B and 2C. These categories are classified as direct costs (expenditures or resources used as a direct result of ATD abuse), indirect costs or intangible costs (generally unquantifiable). The inclusion (indicated with an "X" in the tables) or exclusion of each cost category provides a rough idea of its relative importance within the methodology used by each of the reviews. Some of these reviews suggested that cost estimations should be classified as core or related costs,1,5 and internal or external costs.6 Collins and Lapsley1 defined private, social, marginal, real and pecuniary costs, while French et al.7 defined private, external and social costs, as well as economic transfers. These are all useful definitions and concepts; however, they are not used in Table 2 in order to simplify the framework. |
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Inventory of Existing Data Sources in Canada Researchers conducting a cost study are initially faced with the central question of where to find relevant data. Thus, an inventory of possible data sources for cost studies would be extremely valuable. Because of our particular expertise and experience with the Canadian system, we have created an inventory of data sources available in Canada. We considered a similar inventory for various countries to be beyond the scope of this paper because of the size, complexity and differences of such data systems. Table 3 identifies the Canadian cost studies we used to set up the inventory (Tables 4A, 4B and 4C) of the various data sources in Canada on alcohol, tobacco and drugs. All of these studies evaluated only tangible costs. |
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Discussion This paper provides a classification scheme for cost categories used by existing methods to estimate the costs of the abuse of alcohol, tobacco and illicit drugs. This scheme was developed through a review of four major recent methodological studies1,5-7 that themselves were based on review of many other cost studies. We hope that the documentation of a list of these cost studies by substance, year and author(s) will provide researchers with a useful resource for the literature on cost studies. The classification scheme proposed should facilitate comparative analyses of studies based on different methods. For example, in Canada, most of the mortality and morbidity data required to generate cost estimates is available for each province, but provincial data may not be available in several other areas, such as workplace costs and certain law enforcement costs. Overall cost estimates from different studies are therefore not comparable. By stratifying cost estimates according to our classification scheme, results from different studies can be compared more readily. The classification framework also allows investigators to customize their own cost studies, using an approach similar to that of French et al.7 Cost categories of interest to researchers in a particular study can be identified and selected from the framework to develop a tailor-made model for estimating the costs of ATD abuse in a thorough manner. This paper also describes a useful inventory of existing data sources in Canada that we hope can be used as a starting point for researchers who would like to conduct their own cost studies, whether in Canada or elsewhere. Acknowledgments We thank Rachel Moore from Health Canada for her valuable comments and suggestions. References 1. Collins DJ, Lapsley HM. Estimating the economic costs of drug abuse in Australia. Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service, 1991; Monograph Series No 15. 2. 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