14th Annual Plenary of the InterAction Council of Former Heads of State and Government
May 19, 1996
Vancouver, British Columbia
I am pleased to have the opportunity to address this distinguished
group on an issue of such importance.
We have all seen a period of remarkable change in the international
financial system. Globalization and technology are drawing national
markets closer and closer. Capital flows have increased dramatically.
The ups and downs of one market are transmitted to others with
the touch of a keyboard.
When Canada hosted the Halifax Summit last summer, these changes
were very much on the minds of the G-7 Leaders.
Our economies are increasingly dependent on capital from beyond
our borders. So much, in fact, that many people believe the economic
sovereignty of the nation state is in question.
When there is a sense of not being able to control our economic
destiny, it adds to the general anxiety about job security, our
standard of living, and the world our children will inherit.
I believe we have to confront change, not hide from it. We have
to prepare our citizens not just to cope with change, but to seize
the exciting opportunities that it presents.
We need to see change from the broad perspective. I am convinced
it will lead to a better world, both for developing and developed
countries.
The more integrated we become as a community of nation states,
the more people encounter different views. And the more difficult
it becomes for authoritarian governments to repress dissent and
democracy. The implications for human rights and quality of life
are profound.
In Halifax, G-7 Leaders reflected on whether global economic institutions
such as the IMF and World Bank are up to the new challenges of
the global economy.
As we prepare for the Lyon Summit next month, Leaders will be
asking how we can improve prospects for both developing and developed
countries in this rapidly changing world economy. The objective
of policy makers must be to ensure that globalization works for
the benefit of all.
International finance knows no borders. Tidal waves of money
wash effortlessly backwards and forwards, buffeting interest rates
and exchange rates. And we all know what that can do to the best-laid
plans of governments.
These financial waves often seem motivated by quick-changing sentiments
or the short-term expectations of the proverbial twenty-eight-year-old
trader in red suspenders. When a crisis erupts, a nation state
can seem powerless.
In my view, the nation state is not powerless. It can influence
these flows even if it cannot control them.
Policy makers can work to make the global finance system more
secure by improving global governance.
But fundamentally, capital flows are the life-blood of prosperity
and well-being.
In the 90s, we have seen phenomenal growth in capital flows between
countries. For example, capital flows from developed countries
to developing countries have tripled, from $40 billion in 1990
to $125 billion in 1994.
I myself have seen the very positive effects of that trend in
Asia and Latin America: new infrastructures, new industrial facilities
and equipment, and greater competitiveness. We are witnessing
a remarkable strengthening of the trade liberalization process.
In the same way, when we analyze economic performance, in both
developed and developing countries, we see very clearly that countries
that have liberalized trade, opened their borders to foreign savings,
and worked to promote greater integration of their economies,
are rewarded with stronger growth.
Of course, the road to globalization is not always smooth. The
economic and political conditions prevailing in Mexico in late
1994 coincided with a weakened investment climate in developed
countries. The result: a currency crisis that devastated Mexico.
I travelled to South America in the weeks following the Mexican
crisis. I remember the serious concerns of the leaders of Brazil,
Argentina and Chile. Although those countries do little trade
with Mexico, the crisis had an instant effect on their exchange
rates.
Those events showed us that capital flows, because they are so
important, so rapid and so vast, were both potentially threatening
and potentially advantageous. Economic information travels at
the speed of a data signal. Reactions can be unexpected and devastating.
The main lesson we can learn from such market reactions is a very
simple one: a country can better absorb such shocks if its public
finances are in good shape.
All borrower countries, whether large or small, must take note
of that lesson. Many developed countries, including Canada, have
chosen to count on international financial markets to help finance
not only investment, but also governmental measures. While that
may be viable in the short term, the growing burden of public
debt and budget deficits eventually becomes insupportable. As
a result, interest rates take off and there is greater uncertainty
with regard to capital flows, which can sometimes lead to more
volatile exchange rates.
All of the industrialized countries have learned the hard way
-- and have paid the price.
Now we are getting the fundamentals right. We are restoring our
fiscal health and regaining our fiscal flexibility. This will
allow us to channel our scarce financial resources to the people
that need them most.
We can point to some success in achieving these goals in Canada.
We have been able to keep inflation low, and the amount of money
that the Canadian government needs to borrow is rapidly declining.
By 1997-98, Canada's financial requirements will drop well below
1 per cent of GDP, compared to 2.6 per cent in 1995-96. On this
basis, Canada will have its lowest fiscal deficit in 30 years,
and the lowest among our G-7 partners.
It is true that putting our house in order does limit what a government
can do in the short run. But it does not mean that we are surrendering
sovereignty to the markets. In fact, the more solid our fiscal
shape, the less vulnerable we are to the whims of those young
traders in red suspenders.
On an international level, the key is to anticipate a crisis like
the one we saw in Mexico before it happens. And to be able to
mobilize into action quickly.
Since the Bretton Woods conference of 1944, we have progressively
improved the safety net for the global financial system. In
1994 and 1995 we saw that the net had some new holes. At the
Halifax Summit, the G-7 launched a number of initiatives to improve
our safety net mechanisms.
Since then, we have improved the IMF's ability to predict crises,
developed better data processing standards, and put in place financial
emergency mechanisms, and we are currently working to double the
additional resources available to the IMF in the event of a crisis.
The Lyon Summit will build on the progress made at the Halifax
Summit by looking at ways of better integrating developing countries
into the globalized economy. One of the problems that is slowing
the integration of some of the poorest countries is their debt
level.
We have insistently asked the World Bank and the IMF to deal with
the debt problem of developing countries, which are among the
poorest and the most indebted.
Canada and other creditor countries have made tremendous progress
in lightening the debt burden of those countries, by reducing
bilateral debt at the Paris Club. We are prepared to do even
more. We do believe, however, that multilateral debt problems
could be solved in large part through multilateral mechanisms,
rather than bilateral mechanisms.
I have just mentioned the risk entailed by economic globalization
and what we can do to reduce that risk.
I strongly and sincerely believe, however, that the potential
advantages of a globalized economy greatly outweigh the risks
it carries.
I have made no secret of my view that increased trade with China,
India and other developing countries is one of the most powerful
ways of improving the lives of ordinary people on this planet.
I firmly believe that this is key to a more secure international
economic and political order as well. More liberalized trade
and investment draws countries together and improves economic
prosperity. It also opens the way to dialogue on common everyday
problems.
Canada has traditionally been a strong believer in multilateralism.
We believe the best way to help bring about positive change in
other nations is to engage those nations -- not isolate them.
For us, this international experience is a major asset. Canada
is a bilingual, multicultural society that has been an active
participant in world affairs. As a result, we can relate to cultures
on every continent. In a globalized world, that is a major advantage.
But I know that this new openness -- these exciting new global
opportunities and markets -- can also create unease. I know that
in the more developed economies, people are anxious about the
scale and the pace of change. This is true in Canada and in many
places around the world.
People are uncertain about their job prospects and those of their
children. They are not sure if they can look forward to a more
secure and prosperous life. It is hard for people to come to
grips with the much broader economic forces that affect our lives
today.
Job security cannot be guaranteed by barring the door to the forces
of change. Burying its head in the sand does not help the ostrich
defend itself or take advantage of new opportunities. Security
rests in having the confidence in ourselves to face a dynamic,
evolving global community.
The challenges are complex. For example, the explosion of activity
in telecommunications offers many exciting opportunities, especially
for countries such as Canada which are showing innovative leadership
in this field. It also draws both people and countries closer
together in a global community, opening doors to new ideas, new
values, and new creations. Yes, it is a challenge to the status
quo, and our distinct cultural identities. We need a balanced
approach.
There is no easy way to adapt to the new challenges around us.
Some want to turn back the clock to simpler days.
We cannot do that. We cannot avoid change. We cannot stop technology.
We cannot stop globalization. We need to confront change and
to adjust to it. We have a responsibility to the poor of this
world to turn this progress to their benefit.
Let us not forget that the global financial system is delivering
the goods: a vast flow of financing from savers to developed
and developing countries alike.
What is the impact of globalization on human values? Obviously,
the record is mixed. But I am convinced that, overall, globalization
is bringing many positive changes -- including greater prosperity
for more people in more countries, and the opening of societies
that were previously closed.
When we look around the world, especially in regions such as Central
America and Africa, we see that democratic governments are now
the norm rather than the exception. In my view, it is not a coincidence
that globalization has been accompanied by a movement to democracy
in many nation states.
But the problem is that many of the poorest countries cannot keep
pace. They are being marginalized. We see this in sub-Saharan
Africa, in the Caribbean, and in Central America. I have discussed
these concerns with many leaders from these regions over the past
six months: at the Francophonie Summit in Benin, the Canada-Commonwealth
Carribbean Summit in Grenada, and in Ottawa last week with six
Central American leaders.
I was struck by the fact that the major concern of these leaders
is not aid. Their small economies are being battered by forces
over which they have no control. They want help in adjusting
to these rapid changes.
We cannot overlook these pleas for help. We already allow 90
per cent of the goods from these countries to enter Canada duty
free. We will continue to work with these governments to help
prepare their economies for the changes to which they must adapt.
In our own countries, governments have a very important role to
play in ensuring that people can seize the benefits of change,
while helping those who cannot adapt as rapidly.
If we expect our citizens to be adaptable in this rapidly-changing
world, we should be prepared to provide the right training and
education to help. Because we know that future generations in
a globalized economy cannot be guaranteed good jobs without a
higher education. We must also provide an adequate social safety
net, especially for the most vulnerable, to reassure them that
those who cannot adjust can be afforded a measure of protection.
Putting our fiscal houses in order will ensure that we have the
resources to live up to this responsibility.
And ensuring a fair distribution of the fruits of increased trade
within each of our nations ensures the long term stability that
is necessary for continued progress and prosperity.
Many people believe that globalization is imposing a healthy discipline
that will result in stronger economies in the long run. I think
there is a lot of truth to that.
But as the economist John Maynard Keynes noted, in the
long run, we are all dead.
As politicians, we know that voters are much more concerned about
today and tomorrow than the next century. We also know that the
young trader in red suspenders can cause a lot of havoc in the
short run.
As former leaders, you have a unique perspective. You understand
the immediate political and economic factors that are at play,
probably better than anyone. But in this forum, you have the opportunity
to consider the longer-term issues in an environment that is relatively
free from the day-to-day distractions of political life. I will
be interested to hear your views on these important subjects.
As I said earlier, I believe we need to confront change, not hide
from it. I am very confident that we will rise to meet the new
challenges we face by harnessing the power of change, just as
our ancestors did before us.
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