Lock-Em Ups:
Warehousing Society's Failure
by Penney Kome
Following the tragic death of Vancouver teenager Reena Virk, mainstream
media seemed to report new instances of violence by teenage girls almost
every day. But the reality, according to the Elizabeth Fry Society,
www.elizabethfry.ca
is that there are no solid figures on how many teenage girls are actually
in the correctional system, because there are too few to count.
“The stereotype of girls becoming gun-toting gang robbers is simply not
supported by statistics,” according to a report by E Fry national
co-ordinator Kim Pate. “That does not mean that there are not specific and
egregious examples of young women committing violent offences. It does
mean, however, that every time one such incident occurs, journalists and
talk show hosts beat the bushes for other examples to support extreme
interpretations of the event.”
In fact, despite notorious examples such as Karla Homolka, extremely few
women are imprisoned for violence--and most of those were battered spouses.
In 1993, women made up only 2.2 percent of Canada’s federally sentenced
population. Sixty percent of them were imprisoned for non-violent offences.
That year, women were charged with about eleven percent of the violent
crimes committed in Canada, but 62 percent of these charges were for low
level assaults.
E Fry fact sheets show that women who end up in prison are overwhelmingly
poor, illiterate or barely literate, physical and/or sexual abuse
survivors, and often single parents. First Nations peoples are six times
more likely to go to prison than non-aboriginal Canadians; First Nations
women are only three percent of Canada’s population, but 17 percent of
women in prison. Despite all these strikes against them, women have a very
low recidivism rate, compared to men. Only about 20 percent of women
prisoners who get out, return to prison--and half of them are brought back
by administrative procedures or conditions of community release.
However, the picture is changing--not because women’s behaviour is
changing much, but because there is a crying lack of alternative services
for women especially. “Rather than adopt a ‘zero violence’ approach,”
according to Kim Pate, “ ‘zero tolerance’ policies are resulting in ever
increasing numbers of disenfranchised youth being jettisoned out of schools
and communities, and usually through, rather than into, a thinning social
safety net. Rather than nurturing our youth, we are increasingly
scapegoating and disposing of them as though they are expendable human
refuse.”
In this law-and-order emphasis, as in so many things, Canada seems to be
following the example of the United States. In the US, more than five times
as many women were incarcerated in 1994 (64,000) as in 1980 (12,000),
according to The Real War on Crime: The Report of the National Criminal
Justice Commission, edited by Stephen R. Donziger (HarperCollins, 1996)
“Women have become the hidden victims of the state’s zeal for
incarceration, as the number of California prisoners surged past the
100,000 mark in April of 1991,” states the Prison Activist site at
www.prisonactivist.org/women/women-in-prison.html
While the majority of women in conflict with the law remain
poor (80 percent reported incomes of less than $2,000 in the year before
their arrest, 92% had incomes less than $10,000), non-white (54 percent are
women of colour) and semi-literate (58 percent had not finished high
school), another factor has entered the picture. Women and young
people--younger and younger all the time--are getting caught up in a
general expansion of a new, increasingly privatized, prison industry.
For instance, California alone spends $3.6 billion a year just maintaining
its prisons. That’s because, with the “three strikes and you’re out” law
the state has officially abandoned the idea of rehabilitation, and now
imprisons offenders strictly as punishment--according to the Organization
for Sensible and Effective Prison Policy, at
www.amandla.org/osepp/
And it cites The Real War on Crime figures to show that “third strikes” are
often minor offences: “Percent of second and third felony convictions in
Los Angeles County, under ‘three strikes’ law, that were for murder, rape,
robbery, kidnapping, or carjacking, in 1994: 4"
“The number of people sent to jail is actually determined by policy
decisions and political expediency,” claimed investigative reporter Phil
Smith, in “Private Prisons: Profits of Crime,” which was published in
Covert Action Quarterly in Fall 1993 and is available at
mediafilter.org/MFF/Prison.html
“In fact, from 1975 to 1985, the serious crime rate actually decreased by
1.42 percent while the number of state and federal prisoners nearly
doubled.”
Perhaps the scariest aspect of the drive towards incarceration--besides
the death penalty--is the growth of the private prison industry. “The
punishment industry is the fastest-growing industry in the country,”
according to the Prison Issues desk of the IGC
www.igc.apc.org/prisons
“The US spends more on locking people up than on higher education, or
social services, or health care.”
Profit, rather than social policy, seems to be the key motivation. Prison
construction, for instance, costs $54,000 per unit. “Between 1990 and
1995, 213 new federal and state prison facilities were constructed,” states
PrisonActivist, “representing a 41 percent increase in prison capacity.”
Imprisonment costs can reach $92,000 per prisoner, annually. That’s about
nine times as much as 92 percent of women prisoners earned the last year
before they were jailed.
One way to get around such a major investment is to subcontract out the
job--to private prisons, a growing industry in the US and New Zealand, and
mooted about as a possibility in Ontario. The legal technicalities have yet
to be smoothed out--one Texas prisoner escaped and avoided jailbreak
charges because the private prison had no legal standing--but what is
really worrisome is the question of what costs the prisons are cutting.
Guard training? Food?
Of course, even publicly run prisons can require prisoners to earn their
keep. Some jail farms grow their own food. Canada’s new minimum-security
women’s prisons, intended to replace P4W, will require prisoners to keep
their own rooms clean.
At the other end of the spectrum are prisons where private businesses can
install equipment and produce merchandise with the prison workforce--what
some prisoners claim is essentially slave labour. “Unicor, the prison
manufacturing industry of the [Bureau of Prisons]...operates 90 prison
factories and is rapidly expanding...” wrote former prisoner Danny Mack in
1997. TV newsmagazine Sixty Minutes also viewed prison factories with some
alarm: workers may earn $10 a day before garnishment for restitution, with
no benefits, and no possibility of strikes. In fact, Mack cites historical
instances of employers using prison workers to break free workers’ strikes.
Employers no longer have to relocate to developing nations in order to find
rock bottom wages, to drive down factory workers’ earnings.
All these issues are raised on websites devoted to prisons and some
individual prisoners, easy to find with a simple web search for
“prisons”--or jump off from one of the main sites given above. Few
prisoners have direct access to the Internet. Most of the sites are run by
friends, or by social change groups. Even if there should be some measure
of exaggeration, the rapid rising incarceration is alarming. Critical
Resistance will host a conference called “Beyond the Prison Industrial
Complex,” Sept 25-27.
Email critresist@aol.com
or visit the Prison Activist
website at
www.prisonactivist.org/
Email Penney Kome at Kome@shaw.wave.ca
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